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OMMIADES.

The caliphs of the family of Ommiyah,† Which are fourteen in all, the first of which is, Moawiyah I., the son of Abu Sofian, being the sixth caliph after Mohammed.

Hejirah 41-60. a.d. 661-679.

All opposition being now removed by the death of Hasan, Moawiyah‡ took possession of the whole caliphate. The family of Hashem, of which were Mohammed and Ali, lay like coals raked up in embers not able to stir.§ The hearts of the people

were entirely in the interest of Hosein the younger brother of Hasan, but Moawiyah had possession and the army, and was, moreover, a man of great abilities and steady conduct. But before we proceed to give an account of his government, it will not be amiss to inquire a little into his origin.*

His father Abu Sofian was one of the heads of the noble tribe of the Koreish, to which Mohammed also belonged. When Mohammed took up arms, not so much for the defence as for the propagation of his pretended revelation, Abu Sofian was made generalissimo of the infidels against him: and after the battle of Beder, he stood very fair for the headship of that tribe. He wanted nothing to recommend him; his courage, his gravity and immense riches, set him above competition. But† at last he was convinced (as it seems, by a signal victory gained by Mohammed over his enemies), of the truth of the prophet’s pretensions. The conversion of Abu Sofian was no small accession to Mohammed’s party, which had been sufficiently galled and harassed by the Koreish. Moawiyah with his wife came in on the same day as their father, who, on, his adhesion to the new religion, begged three things of Mohammed. The first was, that in order to make amends for the offences committed by him against the true religion, when he commanded the forces of the infidels, he might now have the honour of leading the army of the faithful against the infidels; a request which was readily granted. His second petition was, that his son Moawiyah might be his secretary, to which also Mohammed assented. The third was, that the apostle would vouchsafe to marry his second daughter Gazah; an honour which Mohammed begged leave to decline. Our author says, it was not lawful; but he omits to give the reason, referring us to a particular treatise which, as we have before observed, he hath written on that subject.

Moawiyah was no sooner settled in his government, but the Karegites, enemies to all government both ecclesiastical and civil, began to disturb him.‡ It was one of their opinions

that the person who had the rule in spirituals should not be one of man’s appointment, nor descend by any succession; but one whose spirituality should recommend him to the approbation of the godly. Upon Hasan’s refusal to take up arms, Moawiyah ordered the Syrians to march against them; but the Separatists beat the Syrians. So he applied himself to his new subjects the Cufians, and the inhabitants of all that part of Babylonia, telling them that now was their time to give him proof of the sincerity of their obedience; and that he could have no better security for their loyalty than their vigorous opposition to this rebellion. When accordingly they took up arms, the Separatists would have persuaded them to desist, and asked them whether or no Moawiyah was not their common enemy. “Let us alone,” said the Karegites, “to make war upon him; if we kill him, we shall have ridden you of your enemy; if he kills us, you are rid of us.” The Cufians did not think it prudent to hearken to this suggestion, and the war was soon ended by the discomfiture of the rebels.

After this rebellion we meet with little worth observing till the three and fortieth year;* which was remarkable for the death of the famous Amrou,† of whom it is reported by tradition, that Mohammed said, “There is no truer Mussulman, nor one more stedfast in the faith than Amrou.”‡ He served in

the wars of Syria, where he behaved with singular courage and resolution. Always excellent in advice, he was also steady in execution. Afterwards Omar sent him into Egypt, which he reduced, and became lieutenant of the conquered country. Othman continued him in that post four years, and then removed him; whereupon he retired to Palestine, where he lived privately till Othman’s death. Upon this event, he went over to Moawiyah upon his invitation; and took a great part in the dispute between Ali and Moawiyah. The latter restored him to the lieutenancy of Egypt, and continued him in it till his death, allowing him all the revenues of that rich country, upon condition that he should maintain the necessary troops for its defence.

Amrou was justly reckoned one of the most considerable men among the Arabians, both for the quickness of his natural parts, and also for his valour and good judgment. Before he turned Mohammedan, he was one of the three poets who were famous for writing lampoons upon Mohammed, in which style of composition Amrou particularly excelled. There are some fine proverbs of his remaining, and also some good verses. His dying speech to his children is pathetic and masculine. He laments in it very much, his ever having exercised his wit in ridiculing the prophet.*

The same year died Abdallah Ben Salem a Jewish Rabbi, who had turned Mahommedan betimes. He used to say that when Mahommed came first to Medina, he pressed amongst the crowd to get a sight of him; and that at the first glance he perceived that he had nothing in his countenance that looked like an impostor.

We have before observed,* that Ziyad was in Ali’s reign made lieutenant of Persia; this office he discharged much to his own credit, and to the advantage of the people. He was a man of incomparable parts, and singular greatness of spirit. He was Moawiyah’s brother by the father’s side, but a bastard; and old Abu Sofian durst not own him for fear of Omar’s severity. He was born in the year of the Hejirah, and as he grew up, quickly distinguished himself by his great abilities and masterly eloquence. So powerful was his rhetoric that once in the reign of Omar, at a meeting of the companions, he made so great an impression that Amrou said, “Had the father of this youth been of the family of the Koreish, he would nave driven all the Arabians before him with his walking-stick.” Moawiyah was resolved to secure him in his interest; and he thought nothing so likely to effect this object as publicly to own him for his brother. Ziyad, in Omar’s time, was made a Cadi or judge; and when witnesses came before him, accusing Al Mogeirah of incontinency, whether out of favour, or because they failed in their proof, he not only acquitted Al Mogeirah, but also scourged the witnesses severely. This endeared him to Al Mogeirah for ever after. Ziyad, having been placed in the lieutenancy of Persia by Ali, upon Hasan’s resignation in favour of Moawiyah, he kept at a distance from the new caliph, and refused to acknowledge his government. This gave Moawiyah no small uneasiness, who was much afraid lest Ziyad should make a league with the family of Hashem, and embroil his affairs by renewing the war. However, Al Mogeirah, to whom Moawiyah had given the lieutenancy of Cufah, making the caliph a visit in the forty-second year, was informed by Moawiyah of the causes of his uneasiness. The lieutenant of Cufah, in consequence, asked leave to go to. Ziyad, to which the caliph consented, and sent by him a civil letter to the Persian governor,

with a kind invitation. Al Mogeirah made so good use of his friendship with Ziyad, that he never ceased importuning him till he had prevailed upon him to go along with him to Moawiyah. Upon his arrival at Damascus, he immediately acknowledged him caliph. Soon after which, Moawiyah owned him to be his brother by his father’s side.

For Abu Sofian, in the days of ignorance, before drinking wine was made a sin by the Koran, while travelling in Taïf, put up at a public house. Here, after drinking somewhat freely, he lay with this Ziyad’s mother, Somyah, who was then married to a Greek slave. The old man that kept the house was yet alive; and Moawiyah, in order to make his recognition of Ziyad as public as might be, had him examined upon a set day in a full assembly, touching the conversation of Abu Sofian with Somyah. The old man gave in such a strong evidence that Ziyad was acknowledged to be a true Arabian, of the noble blood of the family of the Koreish, which, though illegitimate, was a greater honour than he could otherwise have ever obtained. For let his achievements have been never so great, he must still have been obnoxious to reproach on account of the baseness of his origin.

It is observed that this is the first time that the law, i. e. the Koran, was openly violated in a judicial way of proceeding.* For the child belonged to his legal father, the Greek slave that married his mother. Moreover, Mohammed had left it as his decision in such cases, “The child to the blankets, and the adulteress to the stone.” That is, bring up the child, and stone the adulteress. As for Moawiyah’s relations, they stormed, and were quite out of patience at the proceedings; they said that he had not only introduced the son of a harlot into the family, to the disparagement of all their kindred; but had raked into the ashes of old Abu Sofian his father, who had lived and died with a good reputation. Moawiyah, however, could well bear all their murmurs very patiently. He knew he had gained his point, and entirely secured in his interest the greatest man of the age.

Abdallah, the son of Ammar, was at this time governor of Bassorah; but Moawiyah removed him as unequal to that

charge, because of the too great gentleness of his disposition for the country was overrun with thieves and murderers for want of discipline. Abdallah, for his part, never cared to punish any, but thought rather to win and reform them by the sweetness of his temper, and his gentle rule. Insupportably afflicted with this grievance, the people made their complaint to Moawiyah, who appointed Hareth for a time, until he could make them amends for Abdallah’s lenity, by sending them Ziyad, who drew the sword, and with exemplary punishments chastised the insolence of the brigands.* When he came to Bassorah things were in such a bad condition that there was hardly any walking the streets, even in the day; but still less in the night, which was always marked by disorder and bloodshed. On his arrival at Bassorah he made a very severe speech to the inhabitants, at which he had an excellent talent, being reckoned the best orator next to Ali, who never had any equal.† One of the polite Arabians used to say “That he never in his life heard a man speak well, but he wished he would say no more, for he always began to be in pain for him, lest he should fall beneath himself, and speak worse.” With Ziyad, however, this was never the case, for the more he spoke, the more you felt he would still excel. In this speech, he acquainted the Bassorians that he was very well aware of the lamentable condition they were in, through these disorders; and that he was resolved to put an end to them. He next published an order forbidding, upon pain of death, any person, whatsoever might be his rank or quality, to appear in the streets, or other public place, after the hour of evening prayer. And to put his order into execution, he appointed a strong watch to go the rounds, and put to the sword every one they met out of their houses after that hour. Two hundred persons were killed the first night, but only five the second, and on the third, no blood at all was shed.

Besides the lieutenancy of Bassorah, Moawiyah gave Ziyad those of Khorassan, Sejestan, India, Bahrein, and Amman. Not unadvisedly; for the more he committed to his care, so much the lighter to himself was the burthen

of the government. The very name of Ziyad made all the villains within the precints of his province tremble. He was not, indeed, savage or cruel in his temper, but strictly just, though, at the same time, absolute in his way of governing; impatient of the least neglect of his commands; and never giving up any of his authority. But notwithstanding all his greatness, he met with a rebuff in his five and fortieth year; which it is uncertain how he would have resented, if the person that offered it had lived a little longer. He had sent Hakem the son of Amar to take a place called Mount Ashal;* Hakem succeeded in the enterprise, killing a great number of the enemy, and carrying off all the riches of the place. Upon this, Ziyad sent him word that he had received a letter from Moawiyah, the emperor of the faithful, commanding him to put aside all the white and yellow (meaning thereby the silver and gold), from among the spoil, that it might be paid into the treasury. Now, as to this particular there is a decisive rule in the Koran, a chapter being made on the subject, occasioned by a mutiny among Mohammed’s soldiers about the division of some spoil.† It is there ordered, that after any victory, a fifth part of the spoils shall first be taken out and reserved for the treasury, and the rest be divided among the soldiers. Hakem stuck close to the text of the Koran, and sent Ziyad word that the authority of the book of God was superior to that of the emperor of the faithful’s letter; and that it had also this promise, “Though the heavens and the earth conspire together against a servant of God, who puts his trust in him, he shall find him a secure place of refuge, and a means of deliverance.” Then he laid aside the fifth part of the spoil, according to the text; and divided the rest among the soldiers. After this, for he expected no mercy, he said:—“O God! if I be in the favour, take me.” His request was granted; and he died soon after.

This same year died Zeid the son of Thabet, one of Mohammed’s secretaries, to whom he dictated the Koran. He wrote that copy which was used by the caliphs or Imams at the command of Othman the son of Affan.

The author,* whom I am here following, had seen it; and adds, that all his writing was an extraordinary fair and strong hand. This Zeid was a man of the greatest parts of any in his age. He learned Hebrew in fifteen days, so as to be able to read the books of the Jews. He learned Persian in eighteen days, of one of Cosroes’ ambassadors, and acquired a knowledge of Æthiopic, Greek, and Coptic, from one of Mohammed’s slaves. He was fifteen years old at the battle of the Ditch; and was the most pleasant, facetious man in the world at home, and one of the most reserved when abroad. Once he saw the people coming from prayers, and he made what haste he could to get out of their way, as not wishing to be seen by them, for he used to say, “He that doth not reverence men will not reverence God.”

This year Merwan the son of Hakem went on pilgrimage to Mecca; he was governor of Medina.

The next year Abdarrhaman son of Kaled the Great, was poisoned in Syria.† His death was occasioned by Moawiyah’s jealousy; for the soldiers of Abdarrhaman, especially those who had been witnesses of the skill and courage of his father, whose equal he appeared in every respect, favoured him to that degree, that Moawiyah was afraid of him. During his absence, therefore, upon an expedition against the Greeks, the caliph tampered with a Christian servant of his to poison him, promising not only to remit him his own tribute, but to give him the lieutenancy of Hems. Upon Abdarrhaman’s return, the conditions were punctually performed on both sides. But the murderer did not long enjoy the reward of his treachery; for Kaled the son of Abdarrhaman, receiving information of it, came into Syria, and revenged his father’s death upon that wicked slave. For this act Kaled was imprisoned for a time, by Moawiyah, who also made him pay the money for the expiation of his murder. After a short incarceration he was liberated, and the caliph returned to Medina.

Not long after this, happened the death of a very great man among the followers of Ali.‡ His name was Hejer, a person remarkable for his singular abstinence, piety, and

strictness of life, his constant purifications according to the Mohammedan law, and exactness in observing the hours of devotion. He lived at Cufah. Now, it was the custom of Moawiyah and his lieutenants, in their harangues every Friday to the people, to be very lavish in the praise and commendation of Othman, but to rail at and revile Ali. This was done by Al Mogeirah when he was lieutenant of Cufah, more out of complaisance to Moawiyah, than from any inclination of his own. As he was one day pronouncing these reproaches against Ali, Hejer and his company stood up, and interrupted him, and returned the ill language back again upon himself; but Mogeirah passed it by, and forgave them, without taking any further notice. Hejer, however, was not so quietly treated by Ziyad upon a similar provocation. The latter used to divide the year into two equal parts, residing six months at Cufah, and the other six at Bassorah. Coming according to his custom to Cufah, in his harangue he called Ali by the name of Abu Torah, which signifies in Arabic, “Father of dust.”* This was the most acceptable nick-name to Ali in the world, having been given him by Mohammed himself. But Hejer, resolved to affront Ziyad, stood up and said, “He seems to have designed a compliment to Ali.” This remark provoked Ziyad to such a degree, that he immediately seized him, and thirteen of his companions, and sent them all in chains to Moawiyah.

But though this was the occasion of Hejer’s punishment, it was not the sole cause; there were, besides, several old offences.† For before this, Ziyad, fearing lest the peace and quiet of the reigning caliph should be disturbed by Hejer, who was an avowed enemy of Moawiyah, but the declared friend of Ali and his party, and moreover, extremely popular on account of his piety, wished to carry him along with him to Bassorah from Cufah. But Hejer excused himself, by saying that he was indisposed. Ziyad answered angrily, that he was indisposed as to his religion, heart, and understanding; adding with an oath, that he would have an eye over him, and that if he dared to raise any commotion, he should suffer for it. Another time, when Ziyad was making a speech to

the people, he spoke so long, that the hour of prayer came before he had finished. Hejer, who in all things belonging to the exercise of his religion was the strictest man alive, cried out, Salat; “to prayers.” Ziyad took no notice of him, but went on with his discourse. Hejer fearing, lest the time should be past, began the prayers in the congregation himself, upon which Ziyad was forced to break off, and come down and join with them. This affront he never forgave, looking upon it as a great detriment to his own character for piety, but wrote a long letter to Moawiyah, aggravating the matter, and desiring that he might put Hejer in irons, and send him to him. But there was also a still sorer and more recent provocation. Ziyad having returned from Bassorah to Cufah, Hejer and his company refused to acknowledge his lieutenant, and even went so far as to throw dust at him as often as he entered the pulpit. Upon receiving this information, Ziyad was forced to return to Cufah, where, dressed in a silk cassock, and a vest of gold brocade, he went into the pulpit and made a severe speech to the people, telling them, he should make but a very insignificant figure in his post, if he suffered his authority to be thus set at nought and trampled upon, without making an example of Hejer. In his oration he frequently, as occasion served, used these words, “And it belongs to the emperor of the faithful;” at which Hejer took up a handful of dust and flung it at him, with these words: “God curse thee, thou liest.” Whereupon Ziyad came down and went among the people. Then retiring to the castle, he sent for Hejer, who refusing to come, he sent a party to fetch him, between whom and Hejer’s friends there was a little skirmish with stones and cudgels, so that they did not carry him off that time. But he was taken soon after in the mosque, and sent to Moawiyah, attended with a sufficient number of witnesses to testify against him, that he had spoken reproachfully of the caliph, affronted the emir (Ziyad), and affirmed, that the government did not, of right, belong to any but the family of Ali. On their arrival, Moawiyah sent officers with orders to put them to death, and authors differ as to the circumstance of their being admitted into his presence or not. Gadrah, a village behind Damascus, was the place appointed for their imprisonment; and during their stay there, Moawiyah advised with his

friends how they should be disposed of. Some were for putting them to death, others for dispersing them through the several territories of his vast dominions, Ziyad sent him word, that if he wished to retain the kingdom of Irak, they must die. Notwithstanding, the chief men of the court begged off six of them. When Hejer was come near the place of execution, he desired space to wash himself, which he always punctually observed. This being granted, having made his ablutions, he repeated two short prayers, and rising up, said, “If I had been afraid of death, I could have made them longer.” When, however, he saw the grave ready dug for him, his winding-sheet spread out, and the executioner with his naked sword, he was observed to tremble. Whereupon, being asked if he had not said a moment before that he was not afraid; he merely asked in turn, “If it was possible not to be moved at such a sight?” When the executioner bade him stretch out his neck straight, he answered that he would not be assistant to his own death. After these words, his head was struck off. His body being washed, he was, according to his own directions, buried in his chains.

Ayesha had sent a messenger to intercede for him, who unfortunately arrived too late. Afterwards, when Moawiyah went to Medina, he visited Ayesha, who said to him from behind the curtain, “What was become of your compassion, Moawiyah, when you killed Hejer and his companions?” “I lose that, mother,” said he, “when I am absent from such persons as you are.”

About the latter end of the eight and fortieth year, Moawiyah sent his son Yezid with a powerful army to besiege Constantinople. Our authors give us no account of the particulars of that siege, but only mention three or four of the most eminent of the companions, whose zeal, notwithstanding their great age, prompted them to undergo such fatigue and hazard. The army suffered the greatest extremities and hardships in their march; but they had a tradition sufficient to encourage them in all their sufferings, it being no less than a plenary indulgence.* Mohammed, the tradition ran, had said, “The sins of the first army that

takes the city of Cæsar are forgiven.” It was in this expedition that the famous Abu Jyub was killed, who had been with Mohammed at the battles of Beder and Ohud. His tomb is held in such veneration by the Mohammedans, that to this very day the emperors of the Ottoman family, upon their accession to the throne, go to it to have their swords girt on.*

In the fiftieth year† of the Hejirah died Al Mogeirah, the governor of Cufah. A great plague had been raging in the city, which made him retire from it; but returning upon its violence abating, he nevertheless caught it, and died of it. He was an active man, and of very good parts; he had lost one of his eyes at the battle of Yermouk, though some say that it was with looking upon an eclipse. By the followers of Ali he was accounted to be of the wrong party, and one of the chief of them. For thus they reckon: there are five elders on Ali’s side; Mohammed, Ali, Fatima, Hasan, Hosein; and to these are opposed, Abubeker, Omar, Moawiyah, Amrou, and Al Mogeirah.

The same year Kairwan, the metropolis of that province which is properly called Africa, was built, though not finished till the fifty-fifth year.‡ It lies thirty-three leagues distant from Carthage, towards the north-east, and twelve from the sea. The account the Saracens give of it is as follows:—The place of the governor’s residence before being in Zeweilah and Barca, it was the custom of the inhabitants of this neighbourbood, upon the approach of the Saracen army, to make profession of Mohammedanism, and upon their departure to return to their old religion again. But Moawiyah having constituted Okbah§ governor of the province of Africa, he put all those to the sword that had revolted from Islam. Resolving to have a garrison on the spot, to keep the people in awe, he pitched upon Kairwan. As his march had been

interrupted and perplexed by the woodiness of the country, which was full of wild beasts and serpents, he felled all the trees in the neighbourhood, and employed them in the building. This city was of great use to the Saracens; it was well situated for keeping the country in subjection; and being remote from the sea, and bordering upon the desert, was secure from the invasions of the Sicilian and Roman navies. It soon became a flourishing city, considerable not only for its public and private buildings, riches, and the like, but also for the study of the sciences and polite literature.

This same year is remarkable for the death of one Rahya, who was one of the earliest professors of Mohammedanism, although he was not present at the battle of Beder.* Mohammed used to say of him, that of all the men he had ever seen, Rahya did most resemble the angel Gabriel. The year after died Saïd Ben Zend; he was the last of those (I think they were ten in all) that had a positive promise of paradise.†

About this time Moawiyah, who kept his constant residence at Damascus, had a fancy to remove Mohammed’s pulpit thither from Medina. He said, that the walking-stick and pulpit of the apostle of God should not remain in the hands of the murderers of Othman.† Great search was made for the walking-stick, which was at last found. Then they went, in obedience to his commands, to remove the pulpit; but immediately, to their great terror and amazement, the sun was eclipsed to that degree that the stars appeared. This put them all into a great consternation, for they looked upon it as a manifest indication of the divine displeasure, for their presuming to lay hands upon the apostle’s pulpit, and attempting to remove it from the place where he had himself set it up. This made Moawiyah desist from the enterprise, and the Medinians were left in the peaceable possession of this holy relic, till some years afterwards, when Abdalmelik had a mind to it. On this occasion, however, one of the Medinians said to him, “For God’s sake do not attempt such a thing, for Moawiyah did but move it once, and the sun was eclipsed!” He urged besides a tradition from Mohammed, who was reported to have said, “Whosoever

shall swear upon my pulpit falsely, hell shall be his mansion.” “And,” added he, “will you go and take away the pulpit from the Medinians, when it is to them the ordeal of all their controversies? “This representation prevailed, and Abdalmelik forbore, and never mentioned the subject again. After him Al Walid, in his pilgrimage, made the same attempt, but when he sent for it his messenger received this answer, “Bid your master fear God, and not expose himself to the divine displeasure.” With which answer Al Walid remained very well satisfied. Afterwards, when Solyman, the son of Abdalmelik came on pilgrimage that way, Amrou, the son of Abdalaziz, was mentioning these things to him, “I do not love,” answered Solyman, “to hear these things mentioned either of the emperor Abdalmelik, or of Walid. What have we to do with it? We have taken possession of the world, and it is in our hands, and we will stand to the determination of the Mussulman doctors.”

And now the famous Ziyad’s time was come. He died of the plague on the third day of the month Ramadan in the fifty-third year of the Hejirah,* and also of his own age. A little before he died he wrote a letter† to Moawiyah, acquainting him that he had reduced all Irak, from north to south, into perfect subjection to his authority, and begged the caliph to give him the lieutenancy of Arabia Petræa. It is superfluous to add that it was granted, for it was not in Moawiyah’s power to deny him anything, or rather, shall I say? because it was his interest to have him employed everywhere, if possible. As soon as the Arabians‡ heard of the appointment, they were under the greatest concern in the world, for fear he should exercise his tyranny over them as he had done before upon the poor Irakians. Upon the first news of it, the son of Ammar rose up and went to the temple of Mecca to deprecate his coming amongst them,§ and the people prayed in faith. Ziyad, struck with the plague, felt such an intolerable pain in his hand that he consulted a cadi, as a point of conscience, whether it were better to cut it off or not. The cadi told him, that he was afraid, if his time

was come, he would have to go before God without that hand, which was cut off to avoid the appearing before him; and if it was not come, he would remain lame among men, which would be a reproach to his child,* wherefore he was of opnion, that live or die he had better let it alone: and so left him. However, notwithstanding this grave decision, Ziyad, impatient of the pain which increased every moment, resolved to have it cut off, but when he saw the fire, and the cauterizing irons, his heart failed him. It is said, that he had about him no less than a hundred and fifty physicians, three of which had belonged to Cosroes, the son of Hormuz; king of Persia, but it was not in their power to reverse the sealed decree, nor the thing that was determined. He had been Moawiyah’s lieutenant over Irak five years. He was buried near Cufah, which he had passed in his journey towards Arabia, in order to take possession of his new government there. When Abdallah, the son of Ammar, heard of his death, he said, “Go thy way, thou son of Somyah, this world did not stay with thee, neither hast thou attained to the other.”

Upon the death of Al Mogeirah, Moawiyah, who could never do enough for his brother Ziyad, or rather for himself, had added the lieutenancy of Cufah to all those vast territories he had entrusted him with before. He was the first that joined those two great trusts of Bassorah and Cufah together. When Ziyad first came to Cufah, having left Bassorah to the care of Samrah, in his inaugural address he told the Cufians, that he once had thoughts of bringing along with him two thousand of his guards, but recollecting that they were honest men, he had brought no other attendance but only his own family. They threw dust at him, upon which he sat down and gave private directions to some of his domestics to close and guard the doors of the mosque. This being done, he placed himself upon a seat near the principal door, and had the people brought before him, four by four, and made every one of them swear distinctly, “It was none of us four that threw dust.” Those that took the oath he

dismissed, they that refused it were bound and ordered to stand aside. When he had thus gone through the whole congregation, there remained thirty, and some say fourscore, that would not take the oath, whose hands were immediately cut off upon the spot.

Not long after Ziyad entered upon his government, he issued an order that no one should appear in the street after a certain hour, and that every citizen should leave his door open all night, engaging to be responsible for all the damage that any person should sustain in consequence.* One night it happened that some cattle getting into a shop, put the things in disorder. As soon as Ziyad was informed of this, he gave every one leave to have a hurdle or harrow at his door, which continued in use ever after, not only in Bassorah, but in a great many other towns of Irak, of which he was governor.

One night his archers that were upon the watch, having met with a shepherd coming through the town with his flock, carried him before Ziyad. The shepherd excused himself upon the account of his being a stranger, and ignorant of the order. Ziyad said to him, “I am willing to believe that what thou tellest me is true; but since the safety of the inhabitants of this town depends upon thy death, it is necessary that thou shouldst die,” and instantly commanded his head to be cut off.†

Now though Ziyad was so strict in seeing his orders punctually executed, and severe in inflicting exemplary punishments, yet his behaviour was gentle in respect of that of Samrah, his lieutenant at Bassorah, who was abhorred by all men for his cruelty.‡ Ziyad himself was ashamed of it. For during Ziyad’s six months’ absence at Cufah, Samrah had put to death no less than eight thousand persons at Bassorah. Ziyad asked him if he was not afraid lest in such a number he might have put to death one innocent man. He answered, that he should be under no concern, if at the same time that he had killed them, he had killed as many more. Abu Sawar said that he killed seven and forty of his men one morning, every one of which had got the Koran by heart.

Once as Samrah’s horsemen went out on an expedition,

they met with a countryman, and one of them struck him through with his lance. They went on, and Samrah coming up after them, found the poor man wallowing in his own blood. Inquiring what was the matter, he was answered, that the man having met the vanguard the soldiers had killed him. All that Samrah said to it was merely to repeat the verse, “When you hear we are mounted, beware of our lances.”

When Ziyad came to Cufah, he inquired who was the most religious man there, and one Abul Mogeirah was recommended to him in this character. He sent for him, and told him, that if he would keep within his own doors, and not go out, he would give him as much money as he desired. The religious told him, that if he would give him the empire of the whole world, he would not omit going out to say his prayers on the congregation-day* “Well then,” says Ziyad, “go to the congregation, but do not talk about anything.” He said he could not help “Encouraging that which is good, and reproving that which is evil.”† For which answer Ziyad commanded him to be beheaded.

A little before his death, he gathered the people together, and filled both mosque, and street, and castle with them, in order to impose upon them by oath the renunciation of the line of Ali. Whilst they were waiting, full of vexation and perplexity, one of his servants came out, and told them, that they might go about their business, for his master was not at leisure, The plague had just seized him, and the incident was afterwards looked upon by all as a providential deliverance.

A famous Persian historian‡ reports, that a letter written by Ziyad to Moawiyah, when he asked him for the lieutenancy of Arabia, was expressed in these terms: “My left hand is employed here in governing the people of Irak. In the meantime my right hand lies idle. Give it Arabia to govern, and it will render you a good account of its administration.”

He adds, with some little variation from my Arabic author above-mentioned, that Moawiyah having granted him this government, the principal inhabitants of Medina, who were

afraid of his rough and violent temper, were very much alarmed; and that Abdallah the son of. Zobeir,* who was one of them, made this public prayer to God, Allahomma ectaphi yemin Ziyadihi. “O God! Satisfy this right hand, which is idle and superfluous to Ziyad.” There is in these words a very elegant allusion to the name of Ziyad, which signifies in Arabic, “abundant and superfluous.” And they say, that immediately after this prayer, a pestilential ulcer broke out in one of the fingers of his right hand, of which he died a few days after.

There was afterwards a dynasty of princes of his posterity, who reigned in Arabia Felix under the name of the children of Ziyad.

Several persons, both of the sect of Ali, and of the Karegites or heretics, endeavoured to disturb Ziyad’s administration, but these commotions were soon extinguished by his skilful management. The particulars are to be found at large in our historians; but I have purposely omitted them, because they would only interrupt the thread of our history, and contribute nothing either to illustrate the character of this great man, or to throw light on the customs and genius of the people.

This same fifty-third year died Jabaleh, the son of Ayham, the last king of the tribe of Gasan, who were Christian Arabs, and of whom we have already given a full account.

We will now return to Moawiyah,† who in the fifty-fourth year deposed Said from the government of Medina, restoring Merwan, the son of Hakem to that office. Then he wrote to Merwan commanding him to demolish Saïd’s house, and to seize all his effects that were in Hejaz. Merwan accordingly proceeded to execute the caliph’s command, and took his mule along with him to carry away whatsoever be found of value. Said was surprised, and told him he hoped he would not serve him so. Merwan answered, “It must needs be;” adding, “If Moawiyah had commanded you to have pulled down my house, when you were governor, you would certainly have done it.” But upon this Saïd produced a letter of the caliph’s to himself, when he was governor, commanding him to demolish Merwan’s house; which however, .out of friendship,

he had ventured to disobey, and by so doing incurred the displeasure of the caliph. Merwan was surprised at this, and readily acknowledged the superior generosity of Saïd’s temper. They both perceived too, that this was only a contrivance of the caliph’s to set them at variance, though it really proved the means of uniting them in a stricter friendship than ever. Merwan never left off interceding with Moawiyah, till he desisted from urging the execution of his unjust command. Moawiyah was himself ashamed afterwards of his ungenerous dealing, and asked the pardon of both his intended victims.

This year Moawiyah deposed Samrah, who was Ziyad’s deputy over Bassorah. As soon as Samrah heard the news, he said, “God curse Moawiyah. If I had served God so well as I have served him, he would never have damned me to all eternity.” One of my authors tells this without any reserve; another seems to scruple at the truth of it.

Ziyad being dead, Obeidollah his son came to pay his duty to Moawiyah, who received him very courteously, and inquired of him concerning the characters and behaviour of his father’s deputies in their respective provinces. He gave him such a satisfactory account, that he made him lieutenant of Khorassan, when he was but twenty-five years old. He went to his charge, and passed over the river as far as the mountains of Bockhara. There he encountered the Turks, and having bravely charged them, he put them to such a precipitate flight, that the Turkish queen had only time to put on one of her buskins, and left the other behind her in the camp, for the Arabians, who valued it at two thousand pieces of gold.

Obeidollah* the son of Ziyad did not continue long in his lieutenancy of Khorassan, being removed to Bassorah, the place of Abdallah the son of Amrou. The occasion of Abdallah’s removal was this. A leading man of one of the tribes of the Arabs threw dust at him, whilst he was preaching. He followed Ziyad’s example, and commanded his hand to be cut off. Upon this some of the man’s tribe came to Abdallah and told him, that if the emperor of the faithful should know that he had cut off the man’s hand for such an action, he would deal with him, and all that belonged to him,

as he had done by Hejer and his companions. Wherefore, added they, give it us under your hand, that you did it indiscreetly. This he foolishly complied with, imagining thereby to pacify them, as he knew them to be greatly provoked. They kept the paper by them for a time, and went with it afterwards to Moawiyah, and complaining that his deputy over Bassorah had cut off their master’s hand upon an uncertainty; and desired of him to execute the law of retaliation upon him. Moawiyah said, “They could have no retaliation against his deputy; but a mulct they should have:” which was accordingly paid out of the treasury.* And Abdallah, to satisfy them, was deposed from his lieutenancy, and Obeidollah the son of Ziyad substituted in his room. Obeidollah left Khorassan to one Aslam, a worthless man, who did nothing in his government deserving of notice. This same year Merwan, the son of Hakem, and governor of Medina, conducted the pilgrims to Mecca.

The next year† Moawiyah made Saïd, who was Othman’s grandson, lieutenant of Khorassan, who, passing over the river Jibon (formerly Oxus), marched to Samarcand, (afterwards the capital of the great Tamerlane), and Sogd.‡ Having there routed the idolaters, he proceeded to Tarmud, which surrendered to him.

Hitherto the caliphate had been elective; but Moawiyah designed, if possible, to secure the succession in his own family, and make it hereditary. For this end he used all the means imaginable to induce the people to declare his son Yezid his heir and successor.§ He seems to have first entertained some thoughts of it in the days of Al Mogeirah; for Al Mogeirah had come to Moawiyah, to beg leave to resign the lieutenancy of Cufah; which, in consideration of his great age and infirmities, Moawiyah granted him, and designed to put Said the son of Aas in his place. But when Al Mogeirah heard this, he repented of what he had done: and advised Yezid to go to his father, and beg him to nominate him his heir. Upon Yezid’s coming with this request, Moawiyah asked him who had counselled him to make this demand. He told him Al Mogeirah; which surprised Moawiyah, and

he restored him immediately to his lieutenancy of Cufah. This proposal wrought so powerfully upon Moawiyah’s mind, that he wrote to Ziyad to ask his advice about it; who however did not by any means approve of it, for he knew that Yezid was a profligate young fellow, wholly given up to sporting, gaming, and drinking. Wherefore he sent an intimate friend of his to Damascus, to divert both the father and the son from the project. This friend first applied himself to Yezid, and satisfied him that it would be much better to desist, at least for the present. Afterwards he talked with Moawiyah; till at last he also consented to lay it aside. Thus it rested as long as Ziyad lived; till, in this fifty-sixth year, Moawiyah, who had fondly cherished the idea ever since the day it was first suggested, at last revived it again in good earnest, and wrote circular letters about it to all the provinces. The Syrians and Irakians concurred at once in the proposal. Malec, who was then governor of Medina, would have had him proclaimed in that city heir-apparent to his father: but Hosein the son of Ali, Abdallah the son of Ammar, Abdarrhaman the son of Abubeker, and Ayesha’s brother, and Abdallah the son of Zobeir, absolutely refused it. Their protest kept the people back. Moawiyah, to forward the business with his presence, went in person to Medina, with a thousand horse, where he had a conference with Ayesha about it.* The result was, that in general the people of the province of Hejaz came into the measure. However, the four already mentioned, with their adherents, stood it out to the last. Though Moawiyah blustered in the mosque, and would have terrified them if he could; they stood their ground resolutely, and let him see by their answers that they despised his threats; and though he was vehemently angry, he was obliged to content himself with menaces, for they were too considerable, and too popular to suffer any violence.

After this, Moawiyah took an opportunity of saying to his son Yezid, “Look you, you see I have made the way plain before you: there is none that refuses to come in, except these four only. Hosein has the Irakians in his interest, who will never let him rest till they draw him out into the field. Remember, however, that he is your near relation, and a person of merit, wherefore if he comes under your power let him go. Abdallah the son of Ammar is a man wholly given up to devotion; and when nobody else stands out, he will come in. As for Abdarrhaman, he is guided by example; what he sees other people do, that he does too. For himself he minds nothing but women and play. But the man that will attack thee with the strength of the lion, and the subtilty of the fox, is Abdallah the son of Zobeir; if you get him into your power, cut him to pieces.”*

In the fifty-eighth year† died Ayesha, daughter of Abubeker,‡ who had that name from her. For Mohammed marrying his daughter Ayesha when she was very young, his name was changed into Abubeker, that is “the father of the girl.” She survived her husband Mohammed a long time, who died in the eleventh year of the Hejirah. She was invariably treated with the utmost respect, except on one occasion when she exposed herself in the expedition against Ali. Sometimes she was called prophetess, and generally when any one spoke to her, he qualified her with the title of “mother of the faithful.” Her brother Abdarrhaman, one of the four who stood out against Yezid’s inauguration, died the same year.

The next year died§ Abu Horeirah, that is “the father of the cat;” so nicknamed by Mohammed, because of his fondness of a cat, which he always carried about with him. He was called so constantly by this name, that his true name is not known, nor his pedigree. He was such a constant attendant upon Mohammed, that a great many traditions go under his name; so many, indeed, that the multitude of them make people suspect them. Nevertheless others receive them all without the least hesitation, as of an undoubted authority.

I find nothing worth remarking between this great attempt of Moawiyah, to change an elective monarchy into a hereditary one, and his death.* Great it may very justly be called, considering not only the strength of Ali’s party, who, though kept under for the present, would be sure to fall into any measures opposite to Moawiyah their mortal enemy; but also with regard to the fact, that several of the old companions of the apostle still survived, who looked for the dissolution of Moawiyah, with no less impatience than the papal cardinals long for the possession of the apostolic chair. Besides Yezid’s character was so obnoxious, whatsoever it might seem in his father’s eyes, that his uncle Ziyad, who had capacity and experience to understand men, as well as courage and spirit to govern them, thought him too unpopular to be the subject of such a proposition to the provinces. And yet, notwithstanding all these difficulties, Moawiyah so managed matters, that the son was more secure of succeeding the father, than could have been supposed by any who considered the insolence and innovation of the attempt, and the vigorous opposition it was likely to provoke. And Moawiyah at last succeeded in getting his son acknowledged for his successor. As soon as this point was settled, Yezid sat and gave audience to the ambassadors, who were sent from all the countries round to proffer their allegiance, and to congratulate him.† Amongst the rest came old Al Ahnaf, who was Yezid’s uncle. Moawiyah, who was very fond of his son, bade Al Ahnaf discourse with him; and to give him a fair opportunity of trying his parts, left them some time alone. When Al Ahnaf came out, Moawiyah asked him what he thought of his nephew. The old man very gravely answered:—“If we lie, we fear to offend God; if we speak truth, we fear to offend you. You know best both his night and his day; his inside and his outside; his coming in and his going out; and you know best what you design to do. It is our business to hear and obey; yours to give counsel to the people.”‡

It was part of the agreement between Moawiyah and Hasan, that after Moawiyah’s decease, the government should return to Hasan; but he being dead, Moawiyah s thoughts were entirely bent upon his own son Yezid; and there either really was in him, or else paternal tenderness made him fancy it, something so grand and majestic, and a capacity so well fitted for the government of a mighty empire, that his father grew every day fonder of him; and though in other respects, a wise and prudent man, he could not help frequently expressing in conversation the great opinion he entertained of his abilities. It is said, that once, in one of his harangues to the people after this business was over, he said, “O God! if thou knowest that I have settled the government upon him, because according to the best of my judgment I think him qualified for it, confirm it to him! But if I have done it out of affection, confirm it not!”

The last speech made in public, when he perceived himself in a weak condition, was to this purpose:*—“I am like the corn that is to be reaped, and I have governed you a long time till we are both weary of one another; both willing

to part. I am superior to all who shall come after me; as my predecessors were superior to me. Whosoever loves to meet God, God loves to meet him. O God! I love to meet thee! do thou love to meet me!” He had not walked far after this speech before he was taken very ill. When he perceived death approaching, his son Yezid being absent,* he called the captain of his guards to him, and another faithful servant, and said to them, “Remember me to Yezid, and tell him this from me:—Look upon the Arabians as your root and foundation, and whenever they send you any ambassadors, be sure to treat them with courtesy and respect. Take care of the Syrians, for they are entirely in your interest; and you may depend upon them whenever you are insulted by your enemies. But if ever you have occasion to make use of them out of their own country, as soon as they have answered your purpose, send them home again; for they alter for the worse with being abroad. Oblige the Irakians, though they were to ask you for a new deputy every day; you had better in such a case part with the dearest friend you have in this world, than have a hundred thousand swords drawn upon you. I am not in fear for you from any of the Koreish but three, Hosein, Ben Ammar, and Abdallah son of Zobeir (here he repeated the characters given of them before). If Abdallah appears against you, oppose him; if he offers you peace, accept it, and spare the blood of your people as much as lies in your power.”

Moawiyah reigned nineteen years three months and seven and twenty days, from the time that the government came entirely into his hands upon Hasan’s resignation.† There are different reports concerning his age; some say seventy years, and others seventy-five. When he was dead, Dehac, the son of Kais, went into the mosque, and stepped up into the pulpit with Moawiyah’s winding-sheet in his hand; where, having made an encomium upon him, and satisfied the people that he was dead, and that that was his winding-sheet, he said the burial prayers over him. Yezid was then absent at a town called Hawarin, belonging to the territory of Hems. They wrote to him and desired his presence; but he did not come till after his father was buried, and then went and prayed at the tomb.

Moawiyah embraced the Mohammedan religion at the same time with his father, which was in the year of the victory. Mohammed made him his secretary, and Omar gave him the lieutenancy of Syria, which he held during four years of that caliph’s life. Othman continued him in that post during the whole space of his reign, which was about twelve years. Four years more he kept Syria in his own hands by force, whilst he held out against Ali. Taking all together, therefore, he had held possession of Syria, either as governor or caliph, for nearly forty years.

He was of a merciful disposition, courageous, of a quick capacity, thoroughly skilled in the administration of government. His good nature prevailed over his anger, and the sweetness of his temper exceeded its fierceness.* He was easy of access, and very obliging in his behaviour.†

There is a tradition that goes under the name of one Hasan, a Bassorian, of great authority among the traditionists.‡ According to it, four things are to be objected against Moawiyah, for each of which he deserved destruction. 1. His having seized the caliphate by force of arms, without having first consulted the people, amongst whom, besides the companions of the apostle, there were a great many persons of merit and distinction. 2. His leaving the caliphate by way of inheritance to his son Yezid, a man of scandalous character, a drunkard, a lover of music, and one that wore silk. 3. His disgraceful procedure in the business of Ziyad, when he owned him for his brother, in violation of the rule of Mohammed for the regulation of such matters. 4. His cruelty to Hejer and his companions. Shaphei reports, that

he put Ali Rebiyah in chains, because there were four of the companions whose testimony he rejected, viz. Moawiyah, Amrou, Al Mogeirah, and Ziyad.

Once, when the caliph was holding his court for the redress of wrongs, there came before him a young man, and repeated to him a copy of verses, detailing his present condition, and demanding justice at his hands. Moawiyah was very well pleased with the verses.* The Arabians delight in poetry, and to address the severest tyrant of them all after this manner, with something that is fanciful and pungent, is the surest way in the world either for a man to gain his point, or, if such be the necessity, to save his neck. The young man’s case, however, was not quite so extreme. He had married a fair Arabian purely for love, and out of fondness had spent upon her all his substance, which was consider able. She was charmingly beautiful; and the governor of Cufah cast his wanton eyes upon her, and by force tore her from her husband’s bosom. He, to whom the loss of his property, though it had been all the world, was nothing in comparison with the loss of her, being pierced to the very heart, and ready to die with sorrow and vexation, made his appeal to Moawiyah. Moawiyah resolved to do him justice, and sent an express to the governor commanding to give up the woman. The governor, who had not the worst taste in the world, told the messenger, that if the caliph would be pleased to allow him to retain her one twelvemonth, he would be content to pay for so much happiness by having his head struck off at the end of it. But the caliph rigidly insisted upon her being delivered up, and had her brought before him. He was very much surprised at her beauty, but much more at the politeness and elegance of her expression. He that had received so many embassies, and always conversed with the greatest men of his country, had never in his life heard such a torrent of eloquence as flowed from the mouth of that charming Arabian. The caliph asked her jocosely,

which she would have, him, or the governor, or her husband. She answered him in verse; and I forbear to translate her answer, because I have no hopes of coming up to the spirit of it. It was, however, marked with the modesty that became her sex, and the general sense of it was, that though a person in his eminent station might be able to do for her much that was beyond her merit or expectation, yet it could not be put into the balance against everlasting damnation; she therefore begged of him, if he really designed her any favour, to restore her to her own dear husband. This he very generously performed, and moreover presented her with a very rich equipage and plenty of gold, to repair her husband’s shattered circumstances.

He was in fact always munificent. He made a present to Ayesha of a bracelet worth a hundred thousand pieces of gold, which she accepted. He gave Hasan three hundred thousand pieces, and Abdallah, the son of Zobeir, one hundred thousand. He used to bid those that came to see him to take away with them anything they desired. He bestowed a hundred thousand pieces upon Hosein, who distributed them among ten of his acquaintance. A hundred thousand more were granted by him to Abdallah, the son of Faafar, who gave them to his wife at her request. Merwan, the son of Hakem, who was afterwards caliph, received from him a hundred thousand pieces, half of which he divided amongst his friends. At another time he bestowed four millions on Hasan.*

The following anecdote is related of Moawiyah by Abulfaragius. It happened that Sapor, who had seized Armenia by force of arms, sent an ambassador named Sergius, to Moawiyah, desiring his assistance against the Grecian emperor, who, at the same time, sent one Andrew, a eunuch, a great favourite. Moawiyah told them, that they were both equally enemies, and that he would assist that side that offered him most.

Moawiyah was the first caliph that introduced the meksourah into the mosque, or that spoke to the people sitting.* The meksourah is a place raised above, and separate from the rest of the mosque, where the caliph, who was chief pontiff in religious, as well as sovereign in civil affairs, began and chanted the prayers, which are, as one may say, the public office of the Mussulmans. It was in this place also, that he made the cotbah to the people, which is a sort of homily or preachment. Before his time it used to follow the prayers, but Moawiyah commenced with it, for fear he should forget what he had prepared to say.† He was also the first caliph that obliged the people to swear allegiance to his son.‡ The first that laid post horses upon the roads.§

An Arabian robber being once condemned to have his hand cut off, Moawiyah pardoned him for the sake of four very ingenious verses that he made and repeated to him on the spot.|| They remark that this was the first sentence pronounced among the Mussulmans that was not put in execution; the caliphs not having as yet, before this instance of Moawiyah, taken the liberty of showing favour to those whom the ordinary judges had condemned.

Abulfeda relates the following as a remarkable instance of his patience and clemency. Arwah, the daughter of Hareth, the son of Abdal Motaleb, the son of Hashem, came to make him a visit. She was his aunt, a very old woman,

and of Ali’s branch of the family. As soon as Moawiyah had saluted her, she began to reproach him, “O nephew,” said she, “you have been very ungrateful, and injurious to your cousin, who was a companion of the apostle; and you called yourself by a name that was none of your own, and took possession of what you had no right to. And our family exceeded all men in sufferings for this religion, till God took his prophet to reward his labours, and to exalt his station; and then you insulted us, and we were amongst you like the children of Israel in the family of Pharaoh; though Ali was to the prophet, as Aaron was to Moses.” Upon this, Amrou, who was then present, had no patience, but took her up, and said, “Hold your tongue, old woman, and do not talk thus like one out of your wits.” “What,” says she, “do you prate to me who am an honest woman, while your mother was known all over Mecca to be of very easy virtue, and as you were most like old Aasi, he was forced to father you? “Moawiyah, however, only said to her, “God forgive what is past: what would you have?” She answered, “Two thousand pieces, to buy an estate for the poor of our family; and two thousand more to marry our poor relations: and two thousand more for myself to secure me in time of extremity.” All which was, by Moawiyah’s command, immediately paid down to her.

This caliph was buried in Damascus, where he had established the seat of the caliphate; and that city always retained this prerogative of dignity so long as the Ommiyades, or defenders of Moawiyah reigned. In the time of the Abbasides it was transferred to Anbar, Haschemyah, and Bagdad. The inscription of Moawiyah’s seal was, “Every work hath its reward,” or as others say, “There is no strength but in God.”

[The entire text of p. 385 continues the note to p. 384, above.]

[The entire text of p. 386 continues the note to p. 384, above.]

YEZID I., THE SON OF MOAWIYAH, THE SECOND CALIPH OF THE HOUSE OF OMMIYAH, AND THE SEVENTH AFTER MOHAMMED.

Yezid, the son of Moawiyah, was inaugurated caliph on the new moon of the month Rejeb, of the sixtieth year of the Hejirah, which coincides with the seventh day of April, in the year of our Lord six hundred and eighty.* He was born in the twenty-sixth year of the Hejirah, according to which account he was thirty-four (lunar) years old when he was saluted emperor. He was forthwith acknowledged lawful caliph in Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Persia, and all the other Mohammedan countries. But the cities of Mecca and Medina, and some others of Chaldea, refused at first to submit themselves to him. Among the great ones none but Hosein and Abdallah the son of Zobeir opposed his succession, and they disputed the caliphate with him to their death.

He confirmed all his father’s lieutenants and officers in their appointments. The governor of Medina was Walid the son of Otbah; of Cufah, Nooman the son of Bashir; of Bassorah, Obeidollah the son of Ziyad; of Mecca, Abdallah Amrou. After his accession, the object he had most at heart was to bring in those that had opposed his nomination as his father’s heir and successor. With this view, he wrote the following letter to Walid governor of Medina. “In the name of the most merciful God. From Yezid emperor of the faithful to Walid the son of Otbah. Moawiyah was one of the servants of God, who honoured him and made him caliph, and extended his dominions, and established him. He lived his appointed time, and God took him to his mercy. He lived beloved, and died pure and innocent. Farewell. Hold Hosein, and Abdallah the son of Ammar, and Abdallah the son of Zobeir, close to the inauguration without any remission or relaxation.” Walid, upon the receipt of this letter, sent for Merwan the son of Hakem, and consulted him on the contents of it. Merwan advised him to send for Hosein and Abdallah, and tender them the oath before they were apprized of the caliph’s death; and if they refused to take it,

then at once to strike off their heads. But either this scheme was not so closely concerted but the parties concerned received some private intelligence of it, or else they had themselves suspicion of it. Whichever way it was, Walid’s messenger, who found them at the mosque, was sent back with this answer, “That they would come presently.” After a short deliberation, Hosein went to the governor’s house, attended with a number of his friends and domestics, whom he placed about the door, with orders to rush in if they should hear any disturbance. The governor, having acquainted him with Moawiyah’s decease, invited him to swear allegiance to Yezid. He answered, “That men of his distinction did not use to do things of that nature in private; neither did he expect that he would ever have desired it of him; that he thought it better to wait till, according to the custom upon such occasions, all the people were met together, and then do it with one accord. Walid consented. But Merwan, who easily saw through this excuse (as indeed the governor did too), said to Walid, “If he does not do it now, before he goes away, there will be a great deal of blood shed between you and him; wherefore hold him close, and do not let him go out till he hath owned his allegiance; but if he will not, strike his head off.” Hosein leaped out, and having first reproached Merwan for his advice, went to his own house. Merwan swore to the governor that he was never like to see Hosein any more. The governor told him he did not trouble himself about it; adding, that he had everything he desired in this world, and as for the next, that he did not believe that that man’s balance would be light who should be guilty of the murder of Hosein. It is an article of the Mohammedan faith, that at the last day there shall be a balance, supported by the divine power, that shall extend to the utmost limits of heaven and earth, in which the most minute actions of mortal men shall be weighed, and he whose evil deeds outweigh his good ones shall be damned; on the contrary, he whose good deeds overbalance his evil ones, shall be saved. For this reason Walid said, “That his balance, who should kill Hosein, would not be light,” meaning that wherein his evil deeds were put. Then Walid sent for Abdallah the son of Zobeir, who put him off for a space of four and twenty hours; and, in the meantime, taking along with him all his family

and his brother Jaafar, departed for Mecca. Walid sent a party of horse to pursue him, but to no purpose. Whilst Walid was thus taken up with Abdallah, he had little time to take notice of Hosein, who, whenever he sent for him, put him off with an excuse, and in the meantime made all the preparation he could in secret to follow Abdallah. He left none of all his family behind him except his brother Mohammed Hanifiyah, who, before they parted, expressing the most tender affection and concern for him that can be imagined, advised him by no means to venture himself in any of the provinces, but to lie close either in the deserts or the mountains, till his friends were gathered together in a considerable body, and then he might trust himself with them. But if he was resolved to go into a town, he could not be so safe anywhere as in Mecca: where, if he met with the least appearance of anything to alarm him, he should immediately withdraw and retire to the mountains. Hosein, having thanked him heartily for his sincere advice, made the best of his way to Mecca, where he met with Abdallah.

Yezid, not well pleased with Walid’s remissness, removed him from the government of Medina, and gave it to Amrou, a very proud man, the son of Saïd, who was governor of Mecca. He gave Amer the son of Zobeir, who mortally hated his brother Abdallah, a commission to march against him. Abdallah engaged him in the field, routed him, and put him in prison, where he kept him till he died.

Now though Abdallah seemed to have interest sufficient to carry his point, and had beat down all opposition before him, and the Medinians had openly declared for him, so that his fame was spread round about the country, yet Hosein’s glory so far outshone his that he had no chance of being the choice of the people, so long as he was alive. Hosein, both upon the account of his near relationship to Mohammed, and his own personal qualifications, was reverenced above all men alive. Moawiyah, so long as he lived, treated him with the utmost respect. And when Hasan had resigned in favour of Moawiyah, the caliph used often to invite both him and his brother Hosein, always receiving them with the utmost courtesy, and never failing to dismiss them with noble presents. After Hasan’s death, Hosein frequently sent to Moawiyah, and paid him a visit once every year. He also joined with

his son Yezid in his expedition against Constantinople. Hosein was the hopes of all the Irakians; never were people more overjoyed than they were at the death of Moawiyah, whom they had all along detested as a tyrant and usurper. They thought that now there was a period put to their slavery, and they should be under the gentle government of a man that was sprung of an almost divine race. The Cufians were so impatient, that they sent message after message to him, assuring them that if he would but make his appearance amongst them, he should not only be secure of his own person, but in consideration of the esteem which they had for his father Ali, and his family, they would render him their homage and services, and acknowledge him for the only lawful and true caliph. They assured him that there was no manner of difficulty in the matter; all the country being entirely devoted to him, and ready to expend in his cause their lives and fortunes. The messengers they had sent, one after another, came to him at last in a body, pressing him with the utmost vehemence, to do what he himself had little aversion to; only he thought it the part of a prudent man, in an affair of so great consequence, and attended with so much hazard, to use a little caution and circumspection. Accordingly, he sent his cousin Muslim into Irak, to feel the pulse of the people, and see whether or no they were so unanimously in his interest as had been represented; and ordering him, that if he found things favourable, to head a body of them, and beat down all opposition that should be made. Besides he gave him a letter to the Cufians to the same purport. Muslim left Mecca and passed through Medina, from whence he took along with him a couple of guides, who led him into a vast desert, where there was no road; one of them perished with thirst, and the other soon after died of the colic. This unprosperous beginning seemed ominous to Muslim, and discouraged him to that degree, that having reached a spot where there was water, he refused to proceeed in his journey, till he should receive further instructions from Hosein, to whom he despatched a messenger. Hosein ordered him, by all means, to go on to Cufah, and act pursuant to the directions he had already received. When he came to Cufah, he communicated his business privately to such as he could trust, and the matter was so cautiously whispered about, that

they reckoned themselves secure of eighteen thousand adherents before Yezid’s deputy Nooman had heard of it. Muslim, satisfied with this success, did not defer to acquaint Hosein with it. He wrote to him, and told him that every thing was made plain and easy for him now, and that nothing was wanting but his presence. Upon this notice, Hosein set out upon his journey from Mecca to Cufah.

Nooman at last received information of the increasing popularity of Hosein, and the forwardness of his party. Surprised and concerned, he immediately made a speech to the people, exhorting them to a peaceful behaviour, and to avoid all manner of strife and contention. He assured them that for his own part he would not be the aggressor, nor meddle with any person, unless he was first insulted or provoked; nor would he take up any man upon suspicion. But at the same time he swore by that God, besides whom is no other, that if they revolted from their Imam (Yezid), and withdrew their allegiance, he would fight against them as long as he could hold a sword in his hand. Upon this one of the bystanders told him that this was a matter that required stirring, but that he talked like one of the weak ones. He answered, that “He had rather be one of the weak ones in obedience to God, than one of the strong ones in rebelling against him.” With those words Nooman came down. News of the whole was carried to Yezid, who sent immediately and removed Nooman from the lieutenancy of Cufah, and gave it to Obeidollah, the son of Ziyad, together with that of Bassorah, which he had before. This he did at the instance of Sarchun, the son of Moawiyah; for before that time he was not affected well towards Obeidollah, probably because his father, Ziyad, was against his being declared heir to Moawiyah.

Upon this appointment Obeidollah went from Bassorah to Cufah. He rode into the town in the evening, with a black turban on (which was Hosein’s dress), and as he passed along and saluted the crowd, he was re-saluted by the title of the son of the apostle, they imagining it had been Hosein, of whose coming they were in hourly expectation. But to their no small grief and mortification, they were soon undeceived, when some of Obeidollah’s retinue bid them stand off, and make room for the Emir Obeidollah. With his retinue,

which was but seventeen horse in all, he went directly to the castle, and began to think of proper means for the extinguishing this sedition. For this purpose, he gave three thousand pieces to one of his domestics, who was to pretend that he had come out of Syria to promote the inauguration of Hosein, and to contribute to his interest. Muslim had a house in town, where he polled great numbers every day. Here accordingly Obeidollah’s man presented himself, and managed his business so well, that he easily gained credit to his story, and was introduced to Muslim, who took down his vote for Hosein. And the better to colour the matter, he gave some of his money towards the buying arms, to one whom Muslim had appointed to receive all the money that was contributed by the party, and to purchase arms with it. He also continued a few days among the adherents of Hosein, till he had sufficiently informed himself of all their plans and circumstances, and then made his report to Obeidollah. Muslim had changed his quarters, which at first he had taken up at Hani’s house, and removed to Sharik’s, who was one of the grand Omeras. Sharik being sick, Obeidollah sent him word that he would pay him a visit. Upon this Muslim was secreted in the chamber, with the design of surprising and killing the governor. The signal for his onslaught was to be the sick man’s calling for water. Obeidollah came attended by Hani and one servant. They sat down (except the servant) and talked with Sharik a while, but Muslim’s courage failed him. The girl that was bringing the water, spying Muslim standing there, was ashamed, and went back with it three times. At last Sharik called out loud, “Bring me some water, though it kills me.” This made Obeidollah’s man suspect that there was something more than ordinary in the matter, so he gave a hint to his master, who immediately left the house. When they were gone Hani and Sharik asked Muslim why he did not kill him. He answered, “He had heard a tradition of the apostle, who had said, ’The faith is contrary to murder: let not a believer murder a man unawares.’ Wherefore,” he said, “he durst not kill him in his house.” They told him that if he had done it, nobody would have concerned themselves to revenge his death, and they could have secured him in the possession of the castle.

Sharik died three days after. As for Hani, upon Obeidollah’s commanding the registers to be strictly searched, under the severest penalty, he was found standing upon record as an old offender, and one that had opposed Obeidollah before. Obeidollah remembered him, and sent some of the Omeras, who brought him to the castle. When he came there, Obeidollah asked him what was become of Muslim. He at first pretended to know nothing of him, but being confronted by Obeidollah’s servant, who had seen Muslim at his house, and paid him money to buy arms for the service of Hosein, he had nothing to say for himself but that Muslim intruded himself upon him into his house, and did not come thither by his invitation. Obeidollah commanded him to produce him. He answered, “That if he was under his feet, he would not take them off from him.” At this Obeidollah gave him such a blow with his mace, that he wounded him ha the face, and broke his nose. Upon this Hani attempted to seize one of the swords of the guards, but was prevented. Obeidollah told him he had forfeited his life, and commanded him to be imprisoned in a room in the castle. The people of Hani’s tribe presently came flocking about the castle, imagining that he was murdered, but the cadi sent one to tell them that he only was detained to be asked some questions about Muslim, and bade them be quiet, and return peaceably to their houses, for though the emir had struck him, the blow was not mortal. Muslim having heard this news, mounted his horse, and gale the word, “Ya mensour ommet!”†; which was the signal for a general rising agreed upon among Hosein’s party. Four thousand men joined him, and he led them to the castle under two colours, the one red, the other green.‡; Obeidollah was then in the castle prison, discoursing with the Omeras and chief men concerning Hani’s business, and cautioning them against sedition, when the watch came and surprised them all with the news of Muslim’s appearance before the castle. Obeidollah sent out of the castle several men of note and authority among the people, who rode backwards and forwards, dissuading them from hazarding their lives in so

perilous an enterprise. In the meantime Obeidollah bade those that were with him to look out of the castle, and encourage the loyalists. A woman called out to Muslim, and told him he might go about his business, or the people would find him more work than he would like; and Muslim’s followers, considering that the event was dubious, began to desert by degrees, till he had no more than thirty men left with him; so he retired in the evening and hid himself. Taking the opportunity of the twilight, he departed from Cufah, without so much as a guide left to show him the way, or any one to comfort him or give him shelter. Night came on, and he was upon the road alone in the dark, not knowing one step of the way, nor whither he was going. At last he found a house standing alone in the field, and knocked at the door, and was answered by an old woman. In the days of her youth and beauty she had belonged to a great man, but afterwards had by another a son, whom she expected out of the field. Muslim asked her for some water, which she gave him; but perceiving that he made no haste to go away, she told him that it was not proper for him to stand there at her door, neither would she allow it. At last he let her understand that it was in her power to do a thing which she should have no reason to repent of. She asked him what it was; he told her his name was Muslim, and that the people of the country had deceived him. She no sooner heard his name but she readily let him in, and having conveyed him into the most secret and retired part of her house, made the best provision for him she was able. At last her son came home, and observing his mother going backwards and forwards very often, would not rest satisfied till she had acquainted him with the occasion of it, which to satisfy his importunity she did, having first enjoined him to secrecy. But he, having heard that Obeidollah had promised a reward to any one who should give information of Muslim’s hiding place, went and informed in the morning. Wherefore, before Muslim well knew where he was, he found himself surrounded with three or four score horse. In this strait he betook him to his sword, and defended himself bravely, for he beat them thrice out of the house. They pelted him with stones, and put fire upon the ends of canes, and flung at him; till at last he went out and fought them in the open air. Here, overpowered

with numbers, and grievously wounded in a great many places, particularly in his lips, which were almost cut to pieces, he was seized and disarmed, and being bound, was mounted upon his own mule. When he perceived that it was quite out of his power to help himself, he wept. One of the men that was present told him that it did not become a man that had entered upon so great an undertaking to weep; but he answered that it was not upon his own account that he shed tears, but for the sake of Hosein and his family, who he feared were upon their journey from Mecca to Cufah, having, as he supposed, set out either that very day or the day before. Then turning to Mohammed, the son of Alashat, he begged of him, if it was possible, to send to him in his name, to entreat him to go back. This Mohammed granted, but the messenger did not do his part. When Muslim came to the castle gate, he found there a great many of the Omeras, some of whom he knew, and others knew him, waiting for admission to Obeidollah. Muslim was very thirsty, and begged for a draught of water; but one of the men told him he should have no drink till he drank the hanim, that is, the scalding liquor which the Mohammedans feign is to be the drink of the damned in hell. When Muslim was brought into the presence of Obeidollah, he did not salaam or salute him, at which, when the bystanders wondered, he said if Yezid were there himself, he should not think himself obliged to do it, unless he would give him his life. Obeidollah told him that he had come thither to make a disturbance, and sow the seeds of division amongst people that were all unanimous, and all agreed upon the same thing. Muslim resolutely answered, “It is not so; but the people of this province know very well that your father, Ziyad, has killed the best of their men, and shed their blood, and exercised over them the tyranny of a Cosroes or a Cæsar, and we come to govern with justice, and appeal to the determination of the book.” Obeidollah called him a rogue, and told him he did not use to appeal to the determination of the book when he was tippling wine at Medina. For the truth of which accusation Muslim appealed to God. Having leave given him to make his will, he whispered one of his friends, and left him seven hundred pieces, desiring him to beg his dead body of Obeidollah, and to take care to prevent

Hosein’s advancing any further in his journey. He was overheard by one that stood by, who told every word he said to Obeidollah. He did not disapprove of any one article in it; and as for Hosein, he said if he would be quiet nobody would meddle with him, but if he was the aggressor, they would not flinch from him. Muslim was then carried to the top of the castle and beheaded. The head was first thrown down to the bottom, and the body after it. Then Hani was brought forth and beheaded in the street. Both the heads were sent for a present to Yezid, with a letter specifying the several circumstances of their crime and death. This was on the eighth day of the month Dulhagiah, in the sixtieth year of the Hejirah.

The earnest and repeated solicitations of the Cufians made Hosein resolve to accept their invitation, and go directly to Cufah. They had sent him in a poll of a hundred and forty thousand: which, together with their letters he bundled up, to carry along with him. The wisest of his friends looked upon it as nothing less than madness, to embark in so desperate an undertaking. At last, when he seemed resolved to go, they told him it was his destiny that precipitated him. Abdallah, the son of Abbas,* told him, that there was a report spread of his intended journey to Cufah, and desired to know what he meant by it. Hosein told him, that if it pleased God he had so determined. The son of Abbas answered, “that indeed if the Cufians had taken arms, killed their emir [Obeidollah], and taken the whole country into their own hands, and then invited him to come and assume the government, there would be something in it, and he should advise him to go. But that so long as they were under the command of their emir, whose forces were dispersed throughout those territories for the security of the country, they had, in effect, done nothing more than invite him to a war; and that he had no security that they would not oppose him, and that they who had been the most forward in showing an interest in his cause might not in the end prove his greatest enemies.” Hosein said, “he would leave the event to God.” After this, Abdallah, the son of Zobeir came to make him a visit, and inquire into his design. Among other discourses, he said, “I

do not see any reason why we should leave everything to the disposal of these men, when we are the sons of the Mohajerins or Refugees, and have a better right and claim to the government than they.” Hosein told him that the chief of the nobility had written to him, and that his sect (the Shii) were already to stand up for him to a man. To which the son of Zobeir answered, “that for himself, if he had such a sect to stand up for him, he would not neglect the opportunity.” Hosein easily saw through his meaning; for Abdallah, who was a man of a restless, aspiring temper, knew very well that all his own pretensions would be in vain, so long as Hosein should be alive, but if any thing should befall him, the way to the caliphate would be made clearer for himself; and this, as soon as he was gone, Hosein took notice of. However, Abdallah the son of Abbas, was still very uneasy; and resolved to leave no means untried to dissuade him from his undertaking. He came again to Hosein, and represented to him the fickle temper of the Irakians, and entreated him either to stay till they had got rid of their enemy the emir, or at least to go into that part of Hejaz, where there were places of strength. He had recommended him, if he was determined on making the attempt, to write circular letters to all his friends, and keep himself retired till they had formed a body, and were capable of making a formidable appearance. By this course, things, he hoped, might succeed according to his desire. Hosein told him, he knew that he advised him as a friend. “At least,” added the son of Abbas, “if you be resolved to go, do not take your wives and children along with you, for, by God, I fear your case will be like Othman’s, who was murdered whilst his wives and children stood looking on. Besides, you have rejoiced the heart of Abdallah the son of Zobeir, in leaving him behind you in Hejaz. And,” he concluded, “by that God, besides whom there is no other, if I knew that by taking you by the hair of the head I should succeed in detaining you at Mecca, I would do it.” Then he left him, and, meeting with Abdallah the son of Zobeir, he told him, he had no reason to be sad, and immediately repeated the verses “Ya leka ming kobeiratin,” &c., in which the Arabian poet so beautifully addresses the lark, and bids her, as long as the field and season favour her, to enjoy herself, and sing, and take pleasure in her young ones, and whatsoever else delighted

her; but still to assure herself she should not escape the nets of the fowler.

No remonstrance having any influence on Hosein,* though Abdallah the son of Abbas sat up with him all night, trying to move him from his purpose, he set out from Mecca with a suitable retinue on the eighth day of the month Dulhagiah, being the, very same day on which his cousin Muslim was killed at Cufah, (though some say the day before) concerning whom he had received no other intelligence than what he had sent him, that all things went well. The Emir Obeidollah was apprised of Hosein’s approach; and sent a body of a thousand horse to meet him under the command of Harro the son of Yezid, of the tribe of Temimah, a man no way disaffected to Hosein’s cause. It was at Asseraph that the two armies came together; Hosein’s men had been for water at the river, and drawn a great deal for the horses, which he ordered them not to make use of for themselves alone, but also to water the horses of his enemies. At noon he commanded the people to be called together, according to the custom of the Mohammedans, and came out to them with nothing on but his vest, his girdle and his shoes, and alleged the invitation of the Cufians as the reason of his undertaking that expedition. Then he asked Harro, “ if he would pray amongst his men;” who replied, “that after him he would.” They parted that night and went every man to his tent, and the next day Hosein made a speech to them, wherein he asserted his title to the caliphate, and exhorted them to submit to him, and oppose all that stood against him, and who wrongfully usurped authority over the people. Harro told him, “That he did not know who had written to him, nor on what subject.” Upon Hosein’s producing the letter, Harro said, after he had read a little of it, “We are none of those that had any hand in writing of it, and we are commanded as soon as we meet you to bring you directly to Cufah into the presence of Obeidollah the son of Ziyad.” Hosein told him, that he would sooner die than submit to that, and gave the word of command to his men to ride; but Harro wheeled about and intercepted them; which provoked Hosein to say, “ May your mother be childless of you!”†; (a common curse amongst the Arabians.)

“What do you mean?” Harro answered, “If any man but yourself had said so much to me, I would have had satisfaction, but I have no wish to mention your mother, otherwise than with the greatest respect.” Then speaking to his men they retreated, and he told Hosein, that he had no commission to fight with him, but was commanded not to pat with him, till he had conducted him to Cufah. But he bade him choose any road that did not go directly to Cufah, or back again to Medinah. “ And do you,” says he, “ write to Yezid or Obeidollah, and I will write to Obeidollah. Perhaps it may please God that something will occur to relieve me from the risk of being exposed to any extremity upon your account.” Hosein, upon this, turned a little out of the way towards Adib and Kadesia, and Harro told him, “that it was his opinion, that if he would be the aggressor and first set upon the Cufians, he might gain his point; but if he suffered himself to be attacked he would perish.” Hosein asked him, “ if he thought to terrify him with death.” When they came to Adib they met with four horsemen, who turned out of the way to come up to Hosein. Harro would have ridden between them and Hosein, but he would not permit it. As soon as they came up, Hosein asked them what news. Thirmah, who was their guide, answered, “All the nobility, to a man, are against you; as for the rest, their hearts are with you, but to-morrow their swords will be drawn against you.” Hosein then asked him, if he could give him any tidings of his messenger Kais? (one that he had sent before him to prepare the way). Thirmah said, “As for your messenger Kais he was brought before Obeidollah, who commanded him to curse you and your father Ali; instead of which he stood up and prayed for you and your father, and cursed Obeidollah and his father Ziyad, and exhorted the people to come into your assistance, and gave them notice of your coming. For which Obeidollah commanded him to be thrown down headlong from the top of the castle.” At this news Hosein wept, and repeated this verse of the Koran, “There are some of them who are already dead, and some of them that stay in expectation and have not changed.” He then added, “O God! let their mansions be in paradise, and gather us and them together, in the fixed resting-place of thy mercy, and the delights of thy reward.” “Then,” said Thirmah to him,

“I do not think the people that are along with you a sufficient match for those that are against you. How is it possible, when all the plains of Cufah are full of horse and foot ready to meet you? I beg of you, for God’s sake, if it be possible, do not go a span’s breadth nearer to them; but if you please, I will conduct you to our impregnable mountain Aja, in which God hath secured us from the kings of Gasan and Hamyar, and from Nooman,* the son of Almundir, and from the black and the red; you may retire thither, and stay among us as long as you please. And if any calamity befalls us then you can send to the tribe of Tay; for I believe there will be no less than ten thousand of that tribe with their swords ready at your service, and by God, nobody shall ever get at us.” Hosein said, “God reward thee;” but still persisted in his resolution of going forwards, and Thirmah took his leave.

When night came on, he ordered his men to provide as much water as they should have occasion for, and continued his march.† As he went on he dosed a little, and waking on a sudden, said, “We belong to God, and to him we return. I saw a horseman, who said, ‘Men travel by night, and the destinies travel by night towards them.’ This I know to be a message of our deaths.” In the morning, as soon as the prayers were over, he mended his pace, and taking the left hand road came to Nineve (not the ancient, but another town of the same name), and as he rode, with his bow upon his shoulders, there came up a person who saluted Al Harro, but took no notice of him. He delivered a letter to Al Harro, containing orders from Obeidollah, to lead Hosein and his men into a place where there was neither town nor fortification, till his messengers and forces should come up. This was on Friday the second day of the month Moharrem, in the sixty-first year of the Hejirah, that is, on the first day of October, in the year of our Lord six hundred and eighty.

The day after, Amer the son of Saïd came up with four thousand men, which Obeidollah had ordered to Deilam. They had pitched their tents without the walls of Cufah; and when they heard of Hosein’s coming, Obeidollah commanded Amer to defer his intended march to Deilam, and go

against Hosein. Amer begged his pardon; and when Obeidollah-threatened him upon his refusal, he desired time to consider of it. Every one that he advised with dissuaded him from it; insomuch, that his nephew said to him, “Beware that you do not go against Hosein, and rebel against your Lord, and cut off mercy from you; by God, you had better be deprived of the dominion of the whole world, than meet your Lord with the blood of Hosein upon you.” In these expostulations he seemed to acquiesce, and to be overruled; but, upon Obeidollah’s renewing his threats, he marched against him; and, meeting him in the place above-mentioned, sent to inquire what had brought him thither. Hosein answered, that the Cufians had written to him, but since they had rejected him he was willing to return to Mecca. Amer was glad to hear it, and said, he hoped in God he should be excused from fighting against him. Then Amer wrote concerning it to Obeidollah, who sent him this answer, “Get between him and the water, as he did by Othman the innocent and righteous, the injured emperor of the faithful. Make him and his companions acknowledge the government of the emperor of the faithful, Yezid; when they have done that, we will consider of further measures.” From that time Amer’s men began to hinder Hosein’s from getting any water. Now the name of the place where they intercepted him was called Kerbela, and as soon as Hosein heard it, he said, “Kerb and bala;” that is, “trouble and affliction.” At last, Hosein proposed a conference with Amer between the two armies. Accordingly they met, attended, each of them, by twenty horse, who whilst they discoursed kept a due distance. In this conference (according to Abulfeda and some others) Hosein proposed one of these three conditions for Amer’s decision: either that he might go to Yezid, or else have leave to return back to Arabia, or else be placed in some garrison where he might fight against the Turks. Amer wrote word of this to Obeidollah, who seemed at first to look upon it as a reasonable proposal; till Shamer stood up and swore that he ought not to be admitted to terms till he had surrendered himself; adding, that he had been informed of a long conference between him and Amer. This remark totally changed Obeidollah’s mind. There is a tradition from one that attended Hosein all the way from

Mecca, and overheard this conference; according to which, Hosein did not ask either to be sent to Yezid, or to be put into any of the garrisons, but only that he might either have leave to return to the place from whence he came, or else be at liberty to go where he would about the country, till he should see which way the inclinations of the people would turn.

Obeidollah, who was resolved not to run any risk by suffering Hosein to come too near to Cufah, for fear of an insurrection, sent Shamer with orders to Amer, that if Hosein and his men would surrender themselves, they should be received; if not, that Amer should fall upon them and kill them, and trample them under their horses’ feet. Shamer had besides secret instructions, authorizing him, if Amer neglected to execute these orders, to cut off his head, and command the forces himself. Obeidollah gave a letter of protection and security to four of Ali’s sons, Abbas (whom he had by Obeidollah’s aunt), Abdallah, Jaafar, and Othman; which they refused to accept, saying, that the security of God was better than that of the son of Somyah.* Obeidollah also sent a letter to Amer, chiding him for his remissness, which made him undertake to fight against Hosein when Shamer proposed it to him, without knowing that his refusal was to cost him his head. Amer drew up his forces in the evening, on the ninth of the month Moharram, and came up to Hosein’s tent, who was sitting in his door just after evening prayer. He and his brother Abbas desired time till the next morning, when he would answer them to anything they should demand of him. This was granted; and one of Amer’s men said, that if a Deilamite (a nation which they mortally hated) had asked such a small request, it ought not to have been refused. As they were keeping watch during the night, Hosein leaned upon his sword and slept. His sister came and waked him; and as he lifted up his head, he said, “I saw the prophet in my dream, who said, ‘Thou shalt rest with us.’” Then, beating her face, she said, “Woe be to us;” but he answered, “Sister, you have no reason to complain. God have mercy upon you; hold your peace.” In the night she came again to him sighing, and saying, “Alas, for the desolation of my family! I wish I had died yesterday,

rather than have lived till to-day; my mother Fatima is dead, and my father Ali, and my brother Hasan! Alas, for the destruction that is past, and the dregs of it that remain behind.” Hosein looked upon her and said, “Sister, do not let the devil take away your temper.” Then beating her face, and tearing open her bosom, she fell down in a swoon. Hosein, having recovered her with a little cold water, said, “Sister, put your trust in God, and depend upon the comfort that comes from him; and know that all people of the earth must die, and the people of the heaven shall not remain; but everything shall perish, but the presence of God who created all things by his power, and shall make them return, and they shall return to him alone. My father was better than I, and my mother was better than I, and my brother was better than I; and I, and they, and every Mussulman has an example in the apostle of God.” Then charging her not to use any such behaviour after his death, he took her by the hand, and led her into her tent; and addressing his friends, he told them, that these men wanted nobody but him, and desired them to shift for themselves, and get away if possible to their respective habitations; but Al Abbas replied, they would not, and said, “God forbid we should see the time wherein we should survive you.” Upon this he commanded his men to cord the tents closer together, and to run the ropes into one another, that the enemy might not get between them. Thus they made a line of their tents, and a trench being dug at one end of it by Hosein’s orders, they threw into it a quantity of wood and cane, which, to prevent their being surrounded, they set on fire, so that they could be attacked only in the front. They spent all that night in hearty prayer and supplication, the horse of the enemy’s guard riding round about them all the while. The next morning both sides prepared for battle; and Hosein put his small force, which amounted to no more than two and thirty horse, and forty foot, into good order. Amer, having drawn up his men, and delivered his standard to one of his servants, advanced close to Hosein’s camp. In the meantime, Hosein went into a tent, and having first washed and anointed, he then perfumed himself. Several of the great men did the like; and when one of them asked what was the use and meaning of so doing, another answered, “Alas

there is nothing between us and the black-eyed girls, but only the brief interval till these people come down upon us and kill us.” Then Hosein mounted his horse, and took the Koran and laid it before him, and, coming up to the people, invited them to the performance of their duty: adding, “O God, thou art my confidence in every trouble, and my hope in all adversity!” He set his son Ali on horseback, the eldest of that name, for there were two of them, but the other was very sick. Then he cried out, “Hearken to the advice that I am going to give you;” at which they all gave attention with profound silence. Then, having first praised God, he said, “O men! if you will hearken to me and do me justice, it will be better for you, and you shall find no handle for doing aught against me. But if you will not hearken to me, bring all that are concerned with you together that your matter be clear, and then make report of it to me without delay.* My protector is God, who sent down the book (i. e. the Koran), and he will be the protector of the righteous.”†

As soon as he uttered these last words, his sisters and daughters lifted up their voices in weeping; at which Hosein said, “God reward the son of Abbas;” alluding to his having advised him to leave the women behind him. Then he sent his brother Al Abbas and his son Ali to keep them quiet. He next reminded them of his excellency, the nobility of his birth, the greatness of his power, and his high descent, and said, “Consider with yourselves whether or no such a man as I am is not better for you; I who am the son of your prophet’s daughter, besides whom there is no other upon the face of the earth. Ali was my father; Jaafar and Hamza, the chief of the martyrs, were both my uncles; and the apostle of God, upon whom be peace, said both of me and my brother, that we were the chief of the youth of paradise. If you will believe me, what I say is true, for by God, I never told a lie in earnest since I had my understanding; for God hates a lie. If you do not believe me, ask the companions of the apostle of God [here he named them], and they will tell you the same. Let me go back to what I have.” They asked, “What hindered him from being ruled

by the rest of his relations.” He answered, “God forbid that I should set my hand to the resignation of my right after a slavish manner. I have recourse to God from every tyrant that doth not believe in the day of account.”

Just upon this, a party of about thirty horse wheeled about, and came up to Hosein, who expected nothing less than to be attacked by them.* At the head of them was Harro, that had first met with Hosein. He came to testify his repentance, and proffer his service to Hosein, declaring that if he had once thought it would ever have come to that extremity, he would not have intercepted his march, but have gone with him directly to Yezid. However, to make the best amends for his mistake that his present circumstances would admit of, he was resolved now to die with him. Hosein accepted his repentance; whereupon Harro stood forth and called to the people (to Amer in particular), “Alas for you! Will you not accept those three articles, which the son of the apostle’s daughter offers you.” Amer told him, that if it lay in his power he would, but Obeidollah was against it, and had been chiding and reproaching the Cufians, for expressing the least inclination to hearken to them. Then said Harro, “Alas for you! You invited him till he came, and then deceived him; and this did not satisfy you, but you are even come out to fight against him! Nay, you have hindered him, and his wives, and his family, from the water of the Euphrates, where Jews, and Christians, and Sabæans drink, and hogs and dogs sport themselves; and he is like a prisoner in your hands, incapable of doing himself either good or hurt.” Then Amer said to the slave, to whom he had given the flag, “Bring up the colours.” As soon as they came up to the front of the troops, Shamer shot an arrow, and said, “Bear witness that I shot the first arrow.” The battle thus begun, they exchanged arrows apace on both sides. Two of Amer’s men, Yaser and Salem by name, went out, and offered themselves to single combat. Abdallah, the son of Ammar, having first asked leave of Hosein, answered them, and killed Yaser first, and Salem next; though Salem had first cut off all the fingers of his left hand. The next that offered himself came up close to Hosein, and said to him,

“Hosein, you are just at hell.” To whom Hosein replied, “By no means; alas for thee, I go to a merciful Lord, full of forgiveness, easy to be obeyed; but you are more worthy of hell.” Upon this, as the man turned about, his horse ran away with him, and he fell off. His left foot, however, was caught in the stirrup, and as he was dragged along, one of Hosein’s men lopped off his right leg. His horse continuing his speed, his head was all the way dashed against the stones till he died. There were several single combats fought, in all which Hosein’s men were superior, because they fought like men that were resolved to die. This made some of the leading men advise Amer not to expose his men any longer to the hazard of single combats. Then Amrou, the son of Hejaj, who commanded the right wing, gave an onset with these words, “Fight against those who separate from the religion, and from the Imam [Yezid], and from the congregation.” “Alas!” said Hosein, “how is it that you thus encourage your men against us? Are we the men that separate from the religion, and you those that keep to it? When your souls are separated from your bodies, you will know which of us most deserve hell-fire.” In this attack Muslim, the son of Ausajah was killed; he was the first that died on Hosein’s side, and Hosein went and commiserated him at his last gasp. Hobeib said to him, having first told him that he was near paradise, “If I was not sure that I should soon follow you, I would fulfil your will, whatsoever it was.” To whom Muslim answered in a very low voice, “This is my will (pointing to Hosein), that you die for him.” Then Shamer gave an onset with the left wing with such violence, that they almost penetrated to the spot where Hosein was, but Hosein’s horse bravely repulsed them; so that they sent to Amer for some archers, who ordered above five hundred to advance. As soon as they came up, they let fly their arrows so thickly amongst Hosein’s horsemen, that they were all immediately reduced to foot. Harro, perceiving his horse wounded, leaped off from him with his sword in his band, as eager as a lion.

Amer, perceiving that the enemy was inaccessible every where but in the front, commanded his men to pull down the tents; but that not succeeding, for Hosein’s followers killed those that went about it, Shamer, (God confound him, )

called for fire to burn Hosein’s tent (having first struck his javelin into it) with all that were in it. The women shrieked and ran out of it. “How,” said Hosein, “what, wouldst thou burn my family? God burn thee in hell-fire.” One of the great men came to Shamer, and represented to him how scandalous, and how unbecoming a soldier it was to scare the women. He began to be ashamed of it, and was thinking of retreating, when some of Hosein’s men attacked him, and drove him off the ground with the loss of several of his men. It was now noon, and Hosein bade some of his friends speak to them to forbear, till he had said the prayers proper for that time of day. One of the Cufians said, “They will not be heard.” Habib answered, “Alas for you, shall your prayers be heard, and not the prayers of the apostle’s family, upon whom be peace!” Habib fought with great courage till he was killed. Then Hosein said the noon prayers amongst the poor remainder of his shattered company, and to the rest of the office he added the prayer of fear, never used but in cases of extremity. During the time of the fight he said several prayers, in one of which there is this pathetical expression, “Let not the dews of heaven distil upon them, and withhold thou from them the blessings of the earth, for they first invited me and then deceived me.” After the prayers were over the fight was renewed with great vehemence on both sides, till the enemy came up close to Hosein, but his friends protected him. One of them killed ten besides those he wounded; till, at last, both his arms being broken, he was taken prisoner, when Shamer struck off his head. Hosein’s party were now almost all cut off, and his eldest son Ali was first wounded with a lance, and afterwards cut in pieces.”*

The rest were most of them singled out by the archers and shot. As for Hosein, hardly any of them could find in his heart to kill him. At last one came and struck him with a sword upon the head and wounded him, so that his headpiece was full of blood, which he took off and flung away, saying, that he had neither eaten nor drunk out of it, and bound up his head in his turban. Quite tired out, he sat down at the door of his tent, and took his little son Abdallah upon his lap, who was presently killed with an arrow. Hosein took his hand full of the child’s blood, and throwing it towards heaven, said, “O Lord! if thou withholdest help from us from heaven, give it to those that are better, and take vengeance upon the wicked.” At last he grew extremely thirsty, and whilst he was drinking, he was shot in the mouth with an arrow. Then lifting up to heaven his two hands, which were full of blood, he prayed very earnestly. Shamer now encouraged some of the stoutest of his men to surround him. At the same time a little nephew of his, a beautiful child, with jewels in his ears, came to embrace him, and had his hand cut off with a sword: to whom Hosein said, “Thy reward, child, is with God; thou shalt go to thy pious forefathers.” Being surrounded, he threw himself upon his foes, charging sometimes on the right, and sometimes on the left, and which way soever he turned himself, they flew off as so many deer from before a lion. His sister Zeinab, the daughter of Fatima, came out and said, “I wish the heaven would fall upon the earth:” then turning to Amer, she asked him if he could stand by and see Hosein killed. Whereupon the tears trickled down his beard, and he turned his face away from her. Nobody offered to meddle with him, till Shamer, with reproaches and curses, set on his men again, and one of them, for fear of Shamer, threw a lance at him, but made it fall short, because he would not hurt him. This act however emboldened the rest, and at last one wounded him upon the hand, a second upon the neck, whilst a third thrust him through with a spear. When he was dead, his head was cut off. In his body, when examined, thirty-three wounds were

counted, and thirty-four bruises.* Shamer would also have killed Ali the youngest son of Hosein, who was afterwards called Zein Alabedin, i. e. “The ornament of the religious,” but was then very sick, had not one of his companions dissuaded him.

They took Hosein’s spear, and the rest of the spoil, and divided all his riches, and his furniture, and even went so far in thus plundering, as to take away the women’s richest clothes: though Amer had forbidden their going near the women, and had expressly declared, that whosoever took anything from them, should be made to return it again. For all this nothing was restored. All of Hosein’s seventy-two men were killed (seventeen of which were descended from Fatima), and on the other side, there were eighty-eight killed, besides the wounded. They now rode their horses over Hosein’s body backwards and forwards so often, that they trampled it into the very ground. Haula, who had his head, went away post with it to Obeidollah; but finding the castle shut, he carried it home to his own house, and told his wife, that he had brought her the rarity of the world. The woman was in a rage, and said, “Other men make presents of gold and silver, and you have brought the head of the son of the apostle’s daughter. By God, the same bed shall never hold us two any more;” and immediately leaped out of bed from him and ran away. He however, soon procured another of his countrywomen to supply her place, who afterwards reported that she was not able to sleep all that night, because of a light which she saw streaming up towards heaven from the place where Hosein’s head lay, and white birds continually hovering about it. Haula the next morning carried the head to Obeidollah, who treated it with great indignity, and even struck it over the mouth with a stick. Upon which Zeid the son of Arkom said to him, “Cease striking with that stick, for I swear by him, besides whom there is no other God, I have seen the lips of the apostle of God (upon whom be peace) upon these lips.” Obeidollah angrily replied, “That if he was not an old man, and out of his wits, he would strike his head off.”

When the news of her nephew Hosein’s disaster reached Zeinab, Ali’s sister, she put on her worst clothes, and, attended by some of her maids, went and sat down in the castle. Obeidollah asked thrice her name before any one told him. As soon as he learned who she was, he said, “Praise be to God, who hath brought you to shame, and hath killed you, and

proved your stories to be lies.” But she answered, “Praise be to God, who hath honoured us with Mohammed (upon whom be God’s peace), and hath purified us, and not [dealt with us] as you say, for [none but] the wicked is brought to shame, and the lie is given [to none but] to the evil one.” He replied, “Do not you see how God hath dealt with your family?” She answered, “Death was decreed for them, and they are gone to their resting-place; God shall bring both you and them together, to plead your several causes before him.” This put him into a rage; but one of his friends bade him remember that she was a woman, and not to take anything amiss that she said. Obeidollah then told her, “That God had given his soul full satisfaction over their chief [Hosein] and their whole rebellious family.” Zeinab answered, “You have destroyed all my men, and my family, and cut off my branch, and tore up my root. If that be satisfaction to your soul, you have it.” He swore, she was a women of courage, adding, “That her father was a poet, and a man of courage.” She answered, “That courage was no ingredient in a woman’s character, but she knew how to speak.” Then, after ordering the women of Hosein’s company to be sent to Yezid, he looked upon Ali, Hosein’s son, and commanded him to be beheaded. Here Zeinab, all in tears, embraced her nephew, and asked Obeidollah, if he had not yet drunk deep enough of the blood of their family; and entreated him, if he was resolved to kill the lad, to give her leave to die along with him. Young Ali begged of him, for the sake of the near relationship that existed between him and the women, not to send them away without so much as one man to attend them in their journey. Obeidollah, pausing a while, and looking sometimes upon Zeinab, and sometimes upon Ali, was astonished at her tenderness, and swore he believed she was in good earnest, and had rather die with him than survive him. At last he dismissed him, and bade him go along with the women. This the people looked upon as a very providential deliverance, and said that Obeidollah would have killed Ali, but God diverted him from it.

Obeidollah now went from the castle to the great mosque, and going up into the pulpit, said, “Praise be to God, who hath manifestly shown the truth, and those that are in the

possession of it; and hath assisted Yezid the governor of the faithful, and his party; and killed the liar the son of the liar, Hosein, the son of Ali and his party.” This provoked Ali’s party to the last degree; several of them rose up in great indignation, and amongst the rest there was one who was blind of both his eyes, which he had lost in two several battles, and used to continue in the mosque, praying from morning to night. He, hearing the son of Ziyad’s speech, cried out, “O son of Merjanah! (that was his mother’s name) the liar, the son of the liar, are you and your father, and he that gave you your commission and his father. O son of Merjanah! you kill the sons of the prophets, and yet speak the words of honest men.” For this speech the blind man was blamed by every one, even of his own party, who feared that by his rashness, he had not only brought destruction upon himself, but upon them too. He was seized by Obeidollah’s order, but upon his crying out, he was rescued by his party, of whom there was not less than seven hundred at that time in the town. Notwithstanding his escape at the time, he was soon after killed, and his body hung upon a gibbet on the heath for an example.

Hosein’s head was first set up in Cufah, and afterwards carried about the streets, and then sent to Yezid at Damascus, along with the women and young Ali. When Obeidollah’s messenger came to Yezid, wishing him joy of his success, and the death of Hosein, Yezid wept and said:— “I should have been very well pleased without the death of Hosein. God curse the son of Somyah; if I had had Hosein in my power, I should have forgiven him. God loved Hosein, but did not suffer him to attain to anything.” Shamer and Mephar, with a body of men, conducted the captives; but Ali, who travelled with a chain about his neck, would not vouchsafe one word to them all the way. It is said, that while they were upon the road, Yezid consulted with his courtiers how he should dispose of them. One of them said, “Never bring up the whelp of a cur; kill Ali the son of Hosein, and extinguish the whole generation of them.” At this speech Yezid held his peace. Another of a milder temper said, “O emperor of the faithful, do with them as the

apostle of God would do, if he were to see them in this condition.” This moved him to compassion. When he saw Hosein’s head, he said: “O Hosein, if I had had thee in my power, I would not have killed thee!” Then sitting down, he called in the chief of the Syrian nobility, and ordered Hosein’s wives and children to be brought before him. When he saw the mean condition of the women he was very angry, and said, “God curse the son of Somyah; surely if he had ever been related to these women, he could never have treated them after this scandalous manner.” Then turning to Ali, he said, pointing to Hosein’s head:-” This was your father, who set at nought my right, and tried to jostle me out of my government; but God hath disposed of him as you see.” Upon this Ali briskly answered with this verse of the Koran:—“There is no calamity befalls you, either in the earth, or in your ownselves, but it was in a book before we created it.”* Yezid, turning to his son Kaled, bade him answer him; but Kaled was young and ignorant, and had nothing to say. Then said Yezid, “What calamity hath befallen you, is what your own hands have drawn upon you, and he pardoneth a great many.”† One of the Syrians begged Yezid to give him Fatima, Ali’s daughter. She, being but a little girl, could not tell but it was in Yezid’s power to grant this, and in a great fright, laid hold upon her sister Zeinab’s clothes for protection, who knew very well that it was contrary to the law to force any one out of their own sect. Zeinab exclaimed:—“He lies! By God, though I die it neither is in your power nor his.”‡ At which Yezid was angry, and told her, that it was in his power, and he would do it if he pleased. She, however, insisted that he could not force them out of their own religion; at which he started up in a passion, and demanded, “Is this the language that you come before me withal? It was your father and your brother that went out from the religion.” Then, cried she, “You, and your father, and grandfather were all in the right!” This provoked him to call out, “It is thou that liest, thou enemy of God.” “How,” said Zeinab, “you, the governor of the faithful, and reproach us unjustly, and make

an ill use of your power!” At which he blushed and held his peace. The Syrian petitioning again for Fatima, Yezid cursed him, and bade him be quiet. He then ordered the women to be conducted to the hot bath, and sent them clothes and all provisions necessary for their refreshment after the fatigue of their tedious journey. He entertained the women with all possible respect in his palace; and Moawiyah’s wives came, and kept them company the space of three days, mourning for Hosein. So long as they stayed, he never walked abroad, but he took Ali and Amrou, Hosein’s two sons, along with him. Once he asked Amrou, who was very little, whether he would fight with his son Kaled; Amrou immediately answered, “Give me a knife, and give him one.” An enemy to the family of Ali, a court flatterer, said upon this:—“Depend upon it always, that one serpent is the parent of another.”

After they had taken a competent time for their refreshment, and were resolved to set out for Medina, Yezid sent for Hosein’s wives and children to take their leave of him, and commanded Nooman, the son of Bashir, to provide them with all necessary provisions, and send them home under a safe convoy. When he dismissed them, he said to Ali, “God curse the son of Marjanah; if your father had fallen into my hands I would have granted him any condition he would have desired, and done whatsoever lay in my power to have saved him from death, though it had been with the loss of some of my own children. But God hath decreed what you see. Write to me: whatsoever you desire shall be done for you.”

They travelled by night and day, and the person to whose care Yezid had committed them was very vigilant, and behaved himself so civilly and respectfully all the way, that Fatima said to her sister Zeinab, “Sister, this Syrian hath behaved himself so kindly to us, do not you think we ought to make him a present?” “Alas!” said Zeinab, “we have nothing to give him but our jewels.” “Then,” said the girl, “let us present him with them.” She consented, and they took off their bracelets, and sent them to him with an apology, begging of him to accept of them as a token of their respect for his courtesy. He, however, modestly declined them with this generous answer, “If what I had done had been only

with regard to this world, a less price than your jewels had been a sufficient reward; but what I did was for God’s sake, and upon the account of your relationship to the prophet, God’s peace be upon him.” When they came to Medina there was such lamentation between them and the rest of the family of Hashem, as is beyond expression.

There are different reports as to what became of Hosein’s head.* Some say it was sent to Medina, and buried by his mother; others, that it was buried at Damascus, in a place called the Garden-gate, from whence it was removed to Ascalon, and afterwards, by the caliphs of Egypt, to Grand Cairo, where they interred it, and erected a monument over it, which they called the “Sepulchre of Hosein the martyr.”† Those Egyptian caliphs, who called themselves Fatimites, and had possession of Egypt from before the year four hundred, till after the year six hundred and sixty, pretend that Hosein’s head came into Egypt after the five hundredth year of the Hejirah.‡ But the Imams of the learned say that there is no foundation for that story, but that they only invented it to give currency to their pretended nobility of extraction, since they called themselves Fatimites, as being descended from Mohammed’s daughter Fatima.

Some again pretend to show its burying-place, near the river of Kerbela;§ others say that there are no traces of it remaining. The first Sultan, however, of the race of the Bovides built in that spot a sumptuous monument, which is

visited to this very day with great devotion by the Persians. This sultan called his edifice by the name of Kunbud Faïz, which signifies, in the Persian language, the “Magnificent Dome;” but it is now commonly called, in Arabic, Meshed Hosein, “The sepulchre of Hosein the martyr.”

The caliph Al Motawakkel, who began to reign in the year two hundred and thirty-two, persecuted the memory of Ali and his family to that degree, that he caused Hosein’s sepulchre (called by the Persians “the holy, sublime, and pure place” ) to be quite razed and destroyed; and in order the more completely to obliterate the least vestige of it, designed to bring a canal of water over the spot. However, he was frustrated in this attempt, for the water would never come near the tomb, but, out of respect to the martyr, kept its distance. From this circumstance that water was called Haïr, which signifies “astonished” and “respectful,” a name which; upon account of the miracle, has since passed to the sepulchre itself. Lastly, among the different statements of the fate of Hosein’s head, we meet with an account of one Naim, who used to be angry with any one that pretended to know the place of its burial.†

The two titles which they generally give Hosein in Persia are, that of Shahid, “the martyr,” or that of Seyyid, “the lord;” and by the word Alseidani, which signifies “the two lords,” without adding anything more, they always understand the two eldest sons of Ali, who were Hasan and Hosein.‡

Arabian writers report, amongst other acts of piety which Hosein practised, that he used every twenty-four hours to make a thousand adorations or prostrations before God, and that at the age of five and fifty years he had gone five and twenty pilgrimages on foot to Mecca, whereas, to be accounted a good Mussulman, it is not requisite to go above once in a whole life.

Yezdi, in a treatise concerning the divine love, relates that Hosein having one day asked his father, Ali, if he loved him, and Ali having answered that he loved him tenderly, Hosein asked him once more if he loved God, and Ali having also answered that question affirmatively, Hosein said to him, “Two loves can never meet in the same heart, neither hath

God given a man two hearts.” At these words Ali’s heart was moved, and they say he wept.

Hosein, touched with his father’s tears, resumed the discourse, and to comfort him said, “If you had your choice between the sin of infidelity towards God or my death, what would you do?” Ali answered, “I would sooner deliver you up to death than abandon my faith.” “Then you may know by this mark,” replied Hosem, “that the love you have for me is only a natural tenderness, while that which you bear towards God is a true love.”

Hosein was killed on the tenth day of the month Moharram, in the year of the Hejirah 61.* This date is so celebrated amongst the Persians, that to this very day they call it the day of Hosein, Yaum Hosein, Rus Hosein. The memory of, and mourning for his death, are still annually celebrated among them. It is this anniversary weeping, and extravagant lamentation, that still keeps up the aversion of that nation to all the Mussulmans that are not in the same sentiments with themselves. And causes, for the time at least, an implacable hatred between them and the successors of the family of Ommiyah; between all those who do not look upon Abubeker, Omar, and Othman, to have been usurpers, and those who regard Ali as the only rightful and lawful successor of Mahomet.†

My anonymous author is very severe upon the sect of Ali,* both upon the account of the many fables they have invented concerning Hosein, and their superstitious observance of the day of his death. Let us hear him in his own words. “The sect of Ali,” says he, “have forged a multitude of abominable lies upon this occasion. They say that the sun was eclipsed, so that the stars appeared at noon day; that you could not take up a stone but there was blood under it; that the sides of the heavens were turned red, and when the sun arose the beams of it looked like blood; that the heavens looked like clotted blood; that the stars came one against the other; that the heavens rained gore; and that before this day there was no redness in the heavens; that when Hosein’s head was brought into the palace, the walls dropped with blood; that the earth was darkened for the space of three days; that nobody could touch any saffron or juniper† all that day but it burnt his fingers; and that when one of Hosein’s camels that was killed was boiled, the flesh of it was as bitter as coloquintida; besides innumerable other lies without any manner of foundation. But this is true, that they that had a hand in his death, soon fell sick, dwindled away, and came to nothing, and most of them died mad. In the time of the government of the family of the Bowides, they used to keep this day as a solemn fast, and throw dust and ashes about the streets of Bagdad, and clothe themselves with black sackcloth, and making use of every mark of sorrow and mourning, a great many of them would not even take a draught of water, because Hosein was killed when he was drinking. But all these are abominable inventions and vile practices, contrived on purpose to cast an aspersion upon the government of the house of Ommiyah, because he was killed

in their time. Now they that killed him urge in their defence, that he came to depose a person that had been set over them by the consent of all the people, and attempted, by means of Muslim, to make a division among them. Some of the learned doctors, however, with the utmost indignation, object to this as a pernicious and dangerous way of arguing. They determine thus:—If a certain number did interpret [the law] against him, they had no right to kill him, but ought rather to have accepted one of his three proposals. But still,* if a party of insolent fellows find fault with a whole people, and rise against its prophet (upon whom be God’s peace), the matter is not to be [determined] according to their practice and example, but according to the majority of the nation, both ancient and modern. Those that were concerned in Hosein’s death, were only a small handful of Cufians (God confound them), and the greatest part of them had written to him, and brought him into their pernicious counsels and designs; neither did all that army [that went against him] approve of that which fell out; nor did Yezid, the son of Moawiyah, the governor of the faithful, at that time approve of his death (though God knows), nor had any aversion to him. What appears most probable is, that if he had had him in his power before he was killed, he would have spared his life, according to his father’s direction, as he said he would himself.

“Now certainly every Mussulman ought to be concerned at the sad accident of his death (God accept him), for he was one of the lords of the Mussulmans, and one of the learned men of the society, and son of the most excellent of the daughters of the apostle of God, and one, besides, who was devout, courageous, and munificent. Yet, notwithstanding all this, what these people do in making an outward show of sorrow, which, perhaps, is all that most of them do, is not at all becoming. His father was a better man than him, yet they did not keep the day upon which he was murdered, as they do that of Hosein; and Ali was killed as he went out to morning prayer, on the seventeenth of the month Ramadan, in the fortieth year. Othman, too, the son of Affan, was a better man than Ali, according to those that follow the tradition and the

church;* and he was killed after he had been besieged in his own house, in the hot days of the month Dulhagiah, in the thirty-sixth year; and yet the people never kept his day. And so in like manner Omar, the son of Al Khattab, was a better man than Othman. He was killed as he was saying the prayers in the Imam’s desk, and was reading the Koran, and his day was never kept. And Abubeker was a better man than he, but the day of his death was never observed. And the apostle of God (upon whom be peace), who is absolute lord of all the sons of men, both in this world and that which is to come, God took him to himself, even as the prophets before him died; yet the Mussulmans never made such a stir about the observance of the day of his death as a solemn day, as these fools do about the day in which Hosein was killed.” Thus far my author in his own words.

This same year Yezid made Salem, the son of Ziyad, lieutenant of Sejestan and Chorassan, upon his coming as ambassador to him.† Salem was then twenty-four years of age. As soon as he came to his charge, he gathered together a select number of forces, and the best horses that could be found, in order to make an invasion upon the Turks. He carried his wife along with him (the first Arabian woman that ever passed over the river Jihon), who was brought to bed of a son in that part of the country which is called the Sogd of Samarcand, being the neighbouring plains and villages that lie round about that city, from whence he was afterwards surnamed Sogdi, that is the Sogdian. When she lay in, she sent to the Duke of Sogd’s lady to borrow her jewels; who sent to her her golden crown, which was set full of them. She had not, however, the good manners to restore it, but carried it along with her upon her return to Arabia. Salem sent Mohalleb to Chowarezm, the chief city of the Turks, who were willing to purchase peace at any rate. He therefore assessed them and their cattle at so much a head. Salem having taken out of the whole sum, which was very

considerable, what he thought fit, sent the rest to Yezid. He then marched forwards towards Samarcand, whose inhabitants also purchased peace at a high price.

This same year, in the beginning of the month Dulhagiah, Yezid made Walid the son of Otbah governor of Medina, who headed the people on pilgrimage to Mecca, both this and the following year. Bassorah and Cufah were still in the hands of Obeidollah.

Hosein, being now out of the way, Abdallah the son of Zobeir, who had never submitted to Yezid’s government, began now to declare publicly against him, and deposed him at Medina. The inhabitants of Mecca and Medina, perceiving that Yezid did all that lay in his power to suppress the house of Ali, rebelled against him, and proclaimed Abdallah caliph. As soon as he had taken their suffrages, in order to strengthen his interest by popularity, he made long speeches to the people, greatly exaggerating all the circumstances of Hosein’s death. The Irakians in general, and the Cufians in particular, he represented to be the most perfidious villains upon the face of the earth; having first invited him, and then basely betrayed him afterwards. He dwelt upon the scandalous extremity they had reduced a person of his dignity to, either of surrendering himself into the hands of the son of Ziyad, or else of fighting at so great a disadvantage. He depicted at length his heroism in preferring an honourable death to an ignominious life. He magnified his merits, and reminded them of his exemplary sanctity, his frequent watchings, fastings, and prayers. In a word, he made a skilful use of every topic that might contribute towards the endearing his memory, and stir up in the people a desire of revenge, and an utter abhorrence and detestation of that government which was the cause of his death. The people, who were always well affected to Hosein, heard these discourses with delight, and Abdallah’s party grew very strong. When Yezid heard of his progress, he swore he would have him in chains, and accordingly sent a silver collar for him to Merwan then governor of Medina, with orders to put it about his neck, and send him to Damascus, in case he persisted in his attempts; but Abdallah ridiculed both them and their collar.

There was at this time one Abdallah the son of Amrou in

Egypt, a person of great repute for his profound understanding. He used to study the prophet Daniel. Amrou, the son of Saïd, governor of Mecca, sent to him to know what he thought of this man, meaning Abdallah the son of Zebeir. He answered, “That he thought of him no otherwise than as of a man that would carry his point, and live and die a king.” This answer from a man of his character gave great encouragement to Abdallah and his party, for it had a great influence upon the generality of the people. Amrou the son of Saïd, the governor of Mecca, was in his heart a mortal enemy to Abdallah and his pretensions, yet still he thought it the best way to carry it fair with him. Some of Yezid’s courtiers represented to him, that if Amrou had been heartily in his interest, it was in his power to have seized and sent Abdallah to him; upon which suggestion Yezid removed him, and put Walid the son of Otbah into his place.

As soon as Walid had taken possession of his new government of Mecca,* he began to exert his authority by imprisoning three hundred of the servants and dependants of his predecessor Amrou. But Amrou sent a private message to them, bidding them break the prison at such an hour, when he promised there should be a sufficient number of camels ready for them kneeling in the street, which they were immediately to mount, and repair to him. This measure succeeded. When Amrou came before Yezid, he first received him courteously, and bade him sit down by him, and then began to rebuke him for his remissness in the execution of his commands, and not taking sufficient care to put down Abdallah and his party. To which he answered, “Governor of the faithful, he that is present sees more than he that is absent. The greatest part of the people of Hejaz and Mecca were favourably inclined to Abdallah’s party, and encouraged one another as well in public as in private. I, however, had no forces sufficient to oppose them, if I had attempted it. Besides he was always upon his guard, and in fear of me, and I carried it fair with him in order to take a proper opportunity of getting him into my power. Notwithstanding his influence and caution, I nevertheless often reduced him to great straits, and hindered him from doing a great many things he wished to do. Thus I placed men round about the streets and passages of

Mecca, that suffered no man to pass till he had written down his own name and his father’s, and from which of God’s countries he came, and what was his business; and if any one was a friend of his, or one whom I suspected to favour his designs, I sent him away; if otherwise, I permitted him quietly to go about his concerns. However, you have now sent into my place Walid the son of Otbah, who in all probability will give you such an account of his administration as will justify my conduct, and convince you of the fidelity of my services.” Yezid was very well satisfied, and told him, that he was an honester man than they that had incensed him against him, and that he should depend upon him for the future.” In the meantime the new governor Walid was employing all his skill to ensnare Abdallah, who was always upon his guard, and was still too cunning for him.* At the same time Walid had to watch the movements of one Naidah, a Yemanian, who, upon the death of Hosein, appeared in arms with a body of men against Yezid; as for Abdallah, he and Naidah were so familiar that it was generally believed that Naidah would give him his allegiance. Quickly after Walid’s arrival,† Abdallah sent a letter to Yezid, complaining that he had sent a fool of a governor thither, that was not worthy of so important a trust; that if he would appoint a man of a tractable disposition, their differences might be compromised as well for the good of the public as their own in particular. Yezid, desirous of peace upon any terms, indiscreetly hearkened to the voice of his mortal enemy, removing Walid, and sending, in his stead, Othman the son of Mohammed and grandson of Abu Sofian. This Othman was by no means qualified for a trust of that importance, being raw, ignorant, and altogether inexperienced. He sent ambassadors from Medina to Yezid, who received them kindly, and gave them presents; but they took such offence at his manners and conversation, that when they returned, they did all they could to inflame the people against him. They told the Medinians that their caliph had no religion at all; that he was frequently drunk with wine, and minded nothing but his tabors, his singing wenches, and his dogs; that he used to spend whole evenings in talking with vile fellows and singing girls. For their part, they declared they did depose him; in

which action they were followed by a great many, who, as it is said, gave their allegiance to one Abdallah the son of Hantelah. One of the ambassadors, Almundir by name, did not return with the rest to Medina, but went to Obeidollah to Bassorah, who entertained him in his house, with a great deal of friendship, for they were old acquaintances. As soon as Yezid was informed how the rest of the ambassadors had used him at Medina, he wrote to Obeidollah to bind Almundir, and keep him close till further orders. This Obeidollah looked upon as a breach of hospitality, and instead of obeying the order, showed it to Almundir, and advising him when the people were come together, to pretend very urgent business, and in the presence of them all to ask leave to be gone. Accordingly the request was made and granted, and away goes Almundir full of resentment to Medina, where he confirms all that the other ambassadors had said before to Yezid’s disadvantage; adding, that though he confessed that Yezid had presented him with a hundred pieces, yet that could not influence him so far as to hinder him from speaking what he was a witness of, his drunkenness, idle conversation, and neglecting prayers oftener than any of his men. Yezid was informed of all, and vowed to be revenged on him for his ingratitude. Yezid now sent Nooman the son of Bashir to Medina to quiet the people, and persuade them to return to their duty and allegiance. When he came there, he represented to them the folly of their proceedings, and the danger they exposed themselves to by such seditious practices; assuring them that they were not a match for the forces of Syria. One of them asked him what motive induced him to come upon such an errand? Nooman told him, “Because he was loath there should be any blood shed between the two parties, and see these poor creatures (meaning the Ansars or inhabitants of Medina) killed in their streets and mosques, and at the doors of their own houses.” They would not be ruled by him, and he left them; but they found afterwards to their cost that his warning was only too true.

The Medinians, in their obstinacy, having renounced all allegiance to Yezid, set over the Koreish, Abdallah the son of Mothi, and over the Ansars, Abdallah the son of Hantelah, a noble person of excellent endowments, very religious, and universally respected: he had eight sons, and they had all

gone along with him on the embassy, to Yezid, who presented him, besides vests, with a hundred thousand pieces, and each of his sons with ten thousand. In the beginning of the sixty-third year, the Medinians broke out into open rebellion, after the following manner:—Gathering together in the mosque round about the pulpit, one of them said, “I lay aside Yezid, as I lay aside this turban,” throwing, with these words, his turban upon the ground. Another said, “I put away Yezid as I put away this shoe.” Their examples were followed by others, till there was a great heap of shoes and turbans. The next step they took was to turn out Yezid’s lieutenant Othman, and banish all the family of Ommiyah, together with all their friends and dependants, from Medina. The latter being in all about a thousand, took refuge in the house of Merwan the son of Hakem, where the Medinians besieged them so closely that they sent word to Yezid, “That unless they received speedy relief they must inevitably perish.” Yezid, when he heard they were so many, wondered that they should have ever suffered themselves to be shut up without making the least resistance. He then consulted with Amrou, the son of Saïd, as to the fittest person to be sent upon this expedition; at the same time offering the commission to him. Amrou, however, excused himself, telling him, “That he had done him all the service he could there before, and yet he was pleased to remove him from his government; but now, since the blood of the Koreish was to be poured upon the dust, he begged that somebody not so nearly related to them as he was might be employed in that business. Upon this the caliph sent for Meslem, the son of Okbah, who, though very ancient and infirm, was willing to undertake the command of the forces, consisting of twelve thousand horse and five thousand foot. Meslem told Yezid that those thousand men who suffered themselves to be so distressed without fighting, did not deserve any assistance; that they had neither shown personal courage nor loyalty to their sultan; that they ought to be let alone till they had exerted themselves, and shown that they deserved support.” But Yezid told him, “that his life would be a burden to him, if their safety were not provided for.” Yezid rode about with his sword by his side, and an Arabian bow over his shoulders, viewing the troops, and giving directions to his general Meslem. Particularly he ordered

him to take care of Ali, the son of Hosein, concerning whom he had been informed that neither he, nor any of his family were parties to the measures of the rebels, wherefore he commanded him to show him respect. As for the town, he was to summons it three days successively, and if it did not surrender upon the third summons, then, whenever he took it, he was to leave it for three days entirely to the mercy of the soldiers.

The Medinians, who had dug a large ditch round about the city, refused to surrender, and the general made preparations for a storm. He was advised to make his assault on the east side, that the besieged might have the sun in their faces: this proved of service to him. The Medinians made a vigorous defence, and held out a considerable time. In the end, however, most of the Ansars and considerable men being killed, finding themselves hard pressed, they would have surrendered on terms, but Meslem, from whose hands they had refused peace at the beginning of the siege, would not receive them but at discretion.

At last, forcing an entrance into the city, sword in hand, he first of all sent for Ali, and treated him with respect; and, to quiet all his apprehensions, he dismissed him honourably, calling for his own camel and sending him home upon it. Then his men put all to the sword that they met, plundered everything that was valuable, and ill-treated the women. Without any reverence for its being the burying-place of the prophet, they sacked it for three days; and those that escaped the edge of the sword Meslem took under the protection of the government, but only upon this condition, that they should own themselves slaves and vassals to Yezid; upon which account he purchased the name of Musriph, which signifies in Arabic, “extravagant, exorbitant,” because he had exceeded his orders.* This battle was fought when there were three nights left of the month Dulhagiah.† Meslem, having thus severely chastised the insolence of the

Medinians, marched directly with his army towards Mecca, but died by the way, in the month Moharram of the sixty-fourth year. Upon his death, Hosein took upon him the command of the army, and besieged Abdallah in Mecca during the space of forty days, during which time he battered it so roughly, that he beat down a great part of the temple,* and burnt the rest; and this city had run the same fortune with Medina, if the news of Yezid’s death had not recalled Hosein into Syria.†

Abdollah‡ heard of Yezid’s decease before the Syrian army had received any intelligence of it, and called out to them from the walls, and asking them what they fought for, for their master was dead. But they, not believing him, continued their siege with great vigour, till they received further and authentic information. Hosein now told Abdallah that he was of opinion that it would be the best way to forbear shedding any more blood, and proffered him his allegiance if he would accept of the government; assuring him, that all this army, wherein where the leading men of all Syria, would be in his interest, and that there was no fear of any

opposition. But Abdallah was afraid to trust him. As they were talking together, just where the pigeons from the temple of Mecca were pecking something upon the ground, Hosein turned his horse aside, which Abdallah taking notice of, demanded his reason; he said he was afraid his horse should kill the temple pigeons. Abdallah asked him how he could scruple that, and at the same time kill the Mussulmans. Hosein told him, that he would not fight against him any more, and only desired that they might have leave to go round the temple of Mecca before their departure; which was granted. Abdallah afterwards, when it was too late, repented of having rejected the services of Hosein, who was accompanied on his return into Syria by all those of the house of Ommiyah that were in Medina.

Yezid died in Hawwarin,* in the territories of Hems, when four nights were passed of the first Rebiyah, in the sixty-fourth year of the Hejirah, in the thirty-ninth year of his age, after he had reigned three years and six months. He was a man of a ruddy complexion, pitted with the small pox, with curly hair and black eyes. He had a handsome beard, and was thin and tall. He left behind him several children of both sexes, of whom his son Kaled is reported to have been skilled in the art of alchymy, and his son Abdallah to have been the truest bowman of all the Arabians in his time. His mother’s name was Meisun, of the family of the Kelabi. She was an excellent poetess,† and had pleased Moawiyah’s

fancy to that degree with some of her verses; that he made her go back into the desert amongst her own relations, and take her son Yezid along with her, that he also might be brought up a poet. This part of his education succeeded, for he was reckoned to excel that way, though his chief talent consisted in making a drunken catch.

It is observed of him, that he was the first caliph that drank wine publicly, and was waited upon by eunuchs. Besides, the Arabians reproach him with bringing up and being fond of dogs, which the more scrupulous Mohammedans have in abomination.

But the greatest vices of this caliph were his impiety and covetousness, which occasioned a certain author† to say, that for the empire of the Mussulmans to flourish, it ought to be in the hands of princes either pious, like the first four caliphs, or liberal, as Moawiyah; but that when it was again governed by a prince who, like Yezid, had neither piety nor generosity, all would be lost.

The Mohammedan doctors look upon Yezid’s allowing the soldiers to commit such abominable outrages in the city of the prophet,‡ and suffering it to be so profaned, as a very wicked action.§ They do not scruple to say, that although he did it thinking to preserve his life and government, God nevertheless had dealt with him as a tyrant, and, by cutting him off in the flower of his age, had inflicted judgment upon him for his presumption. In condemnation of Yezid, they quote this saying of Mohammed, “Whoever injureth Medina shall melt away, even as salt melteth away in the water.”

By Persian authors he is never mentioned without abomination, and ordinarily this imprecation is added to his name,

Laanabullah, that is, “The curse of God be upon him;” in reference not to his vices, but to the death of Hosein, the son of Ali, whom he first of all attempted to destroy by poison, and afterwards caused to be killed, with all his family, on the plains of Kerbela.*

Under his caliphate the Mussulmans conquered all Khorassan and Khowarezm, and put the estates of the prince of Samarcand under contribution. The motto of his seal was, “God is our Lord.”

MOAWIYAH II, THE SON OF YEZID, THE THIRD CALIPH OF THE HOUSE OF OMMIYAH, AND THE EIGHTH AFTER MOHAMMED.

Hejirah 64. A.D. 683.

As soon as Yezid was dead, his son Moawiyah was proclaimed caliph at Damascus. He was near one and twenty years of age, but of a weak constitution; very religious,† but of the sect of the Alcadarii.‡ Moawiyah’s favourite master was Omar Al Meksous; and he consulted him whether he ought, or not, to accept the caliphate. His master told him, that if he thought himself able to administer justice duly to the Mussulmans, and to acquit himself of all the duties of that dignity, he ought to accept it; but otherwise he ought not to charge himself with it.

This caliph had scarcely reigned six weeks, when he found himself too weak to sustain the weight of the government, and resolved to lay it down. To this end he called a council of the greatest men of the court, and told them that when he first entertained the thought of abdicating himself, he designed to follow the example of Abubeker, and nominate a successor, as that first caliph had done; but that he had not found, as Abubeker had done, men like Omar upon whom to fix his choice. Then he told them that he had also a design

of imitating Omar, and naming six persons, upon one of which the choice should fall by lot, but that he had not found so many among them capable of it, and therefore could not determine upon that course.

“I am therefore resolved,” added he, “to leave the choice entirely to you.” Upon this the principal statesmen told him that they had nothing to do but to choose that person amongst them that he should please, and that all the rest would obey him. Moawiyah answered them in these terms: “As I have not hitherto enjoyed the advantages of the caliphate, it is not reasonable that I should charge myself with its most odious duty, therefore I hope that you will not take it amiss if I discharge my conscience towards you, and leave you to judge for yourselves who is most capable among you to fill my place.”

Accordingly, as soon as Moawiyah had made his abdication in so good form, they proceeded to the election of a caliph, and their choice fell upon Merwan, the son of Hakem, who was the fourth of the caliphs of Syria; Abdallah, the son of Zobeir, having been declared caliph in Arabia, Irak, Khorassan, Egypt, and a great part of Syria.

Moawiyah had no sooner renounced the caliphate but he shut himself up in a chamber, from whence he never stirred till he died, not long after his abdication, of the plague according to some, according to others by poison. The family of Ommiyah was, it is said, so greatly irritated at his proceeding, that they vented their resentment upon the person of Omar Al Meksous, whom they buried alive, because they supposed that it was by his advice that Moawiyah deposed himself. This caliph was nick-named Abuleilah, that is to say, “The father of the night,” because of his natural weakness and want of health, which hindered him from often appearing abroad in the day time. The inscription of his seal was “The world is a cheat.”

We must now look backwards a little towards the eastern parts of the empire.* As soon as Obeidollah heard of Yezid’s death, he acquainted the Bassorians with it in a set speech, wherein he represented to them “ the near relationship between him and them, and reminded them that the place of his nativity was amongst them; that, as appeared

by the books, he had since his government over them destroyed a hundred and forty thousand of their enemies; that there was no person left of any consideration whom they need to fear, who was not already in their prisons; that they were every way the most considerable nation in the empire, both with regard to their courage, number, and extent of country; that they were very well able to subsist independently of any help, but that the rest of the provinces were not able to subsist without them; that there was a faction in Syria, and till that was appeased, he thought it advisable for them to choose a person duly qualified to be the protector of their state; that after that was done, if the Mussulmans agreed upon a successor whom they approved of, it would be well, if otherwise, they might continue as they were till they did.” The Bassorians approved of his proposal, and told him that they knew no person so well qualified for such a trust as himself. He refused it several times, with little sincerity, as may be supposed by his speech; but overcome, as he pretended, by their importunity, accepted it at last. So they gave him their hands to be subject to him till all things were settled, and the Mussulmans were agreed upon an Imam or caliph. This being done, he sent a messenger to the Cufians, to persuade them to follow the example of the Bassorians. The Cufians received the message with indignation, and were so far from complying with it, that they flung dust upon their governor. Though the Cufians did not follow the example of the Bassorians, yet the Bassorians followed theirs. For, having learnt the repulse Obeidollah had met with at Cufah, they revoked their promise of allegiance to him; and the faction ran so high, that finding Bassorah too warm for him, he was fain to make the best of his way into Syria.

There was at that time in the treasury of Bassorah sixteen millions of money, part of which he divided among his relations, the remainder he carried along with him. He attempted to persuade the Najari, who are a tribe of the Arabian Ansars, to fight for him; but they refused, as did also all his own relations, for he had rendered himself so obnoxious by his cruelty, that he was dreaded and abhorred by all, beloved by none. His brother Abdallah told the Bassorians, that since they had promised their subjection, he and his brother Obeidollah would not fly away from them, but stay and be killed,

and leave it as a reproach upon them till the day of judgment. Obeidollah lay concealed in women’s clothes in Mesoud’s house, who advised him to scatter money liberally among the people, and induce them to renew their oath. Abdallah, his brother, tried his utmost with two hundred thousand pieces, and Mesoud also stirred for him as much as he was able, till at last he was killed in the tumult, though he owed his death chiefly to an old grudge. Obeidollah was at last constrained to fly, and as soon as he was gone the people plundered his effects, and pursued him. He had a hundred men with him that were left him by Mesoud. In the night time he grew weary of riding upon his camel, and exchanged it for an ass. One of his friends observing him riding in that manner, with his feet dangling down to the ground, began to reflect upon the uncertainty of human affairs, and said to himself, “This man was yesterday governor of Irak, and is now forced to make his escape upon an ass.” Then riding up to him, he asked him if he was asleep (for he had been silent a long time). He said no, he was talking to himself. The other told him he knew what it was that he was saying; it was, “I wish I had not killed Hosein.” Obeidollah told him he was mistaken, for he chose rather to kill Hosein than to be killed by him Then, having first mentioned a few matters about his property, and how he wished to dispose of it, he said that what he was sorry for, and what lie was speaking to himself about, was this, that he wished he had fought the Bassorians at the beginning of their revolt, and struck their heads off for their perjury. But perhaps if he had attempted it, he might have lost his own, for the Karegites, who were his mortal enemies, were got to a great head, and resolved either to kill him, or to drive him from Bassorah.

We will leave Obeidollah, therefore, riding upon an ass, and talking to himself, and return to Hosein, who, much about this time, was come back from the siege of Mecca to Damascus. He gave an account of the posture of affairs on that side of the country, and of his having proffered his allegiance to Abdallah, who had refused to accept it, or at least to come into Syria. He told Merwan, and the rest of the family of Ommiyah, that, in the present disorder of their affairs, they would do well to look about them quickly;

that they ought to settle the government before faction, which is both deaf and blind, should overwhelm them. Merwan was for submitting to Abdallah; but Obeidollah, who also had now arrived, told him that it was a shame for a person of his distinction, who was the head of the noble family of the Koreish, to think of anything so mean. The people of Damascus had constituted Dehac, the son of Kais, their protector till the Mussulmans should be agreed upon an Imam. Dehac favoured Abdallah, and Hassan, the son of Malec, was in that part of Palestine that lay near Jordan, and was of the party of the house of Ommiyah. The Bassorians were in tumult and confusion, and could not agree about a governor. During the interregnum, they set up first one, and then another, till at last they wrote to Abdallah, to take the government upon him.

ABDALLAH THE SON OF ZOBEIR, THE NINTH CALIPH AFTER MOHAMMED. HE WAS NOT OF THE HOUSE OF OMMIYAH.

Hejirah 64. a.d. 683.

There being two caliphs at the same time, will, of necessity, occasion the repetition of a few circumstances. This however will give no offence to the ingenuous reader. Though Abdallah had been proclaimed before, in the days of Yezid, yet this is the place that our Arabian authors assign him in their histories, because he seemed now to be fully settled and established, all the territories of the Mussulmans, with the single exception of Syria, being under his command. But when we talk of the entire subjection of the Mohammedan countries, we must on all occasions be understood as not speaking of the heretics and schismatics, the Karegites and Motazeli, for they, as we have observed already, would never be subject to any; but on the least prospect of a favourable opportunity, used their utmost efforts to break from off their necks the yoke of all government whatsoever.

As soon as Yezid was dead, the people of Mecca stood up for Abdallah, the son of Zobeir: Merwan the son of Hakem (who was of the house of Ommiyah) was then at Medina, and was preparing himself to go to Abdallah, and acknowledge him; for all took it for granted that his interest was so powerful, that it would be to no purpose to oppose him; when on a sudden there was a report spread, that Abdallah had sent word to his deputy in Medina, not to leave a man alive of the house of Ommiyah. This proved his ruin; whereas if he had gone along with Hosein, as he wished him, or had he caressed Merwan and the house of Ommiyah, he had been fixed immoveably in the government. But there is no reversing what God hath decreed, When they proclaimed him at Mecca, Obeidollah was at Bassorah, from whence, as we have seen, he afterwards fled into Syria. The Bassorians, Irakians, Hejazians, Yemanians, and Egyptians, all came into Abdallah, who, moreover, had a strong private party even in Syria itself, and in Kinnisrin and Hems. In short, they were very near coming in universally; but he wanted some qualifications necessary for the critical juncture. He was brave and courageous enough, and also exemplarily religious, but he wanted both tact and generosity.

MERWAN THE SON OF HAREM, THE FOURTH CALIPH OF THE HOUSE OF OMMIYAH, AND THE TENTH AFTER MOHAMMED.

Hejirah 64,.65. A.D. 683, 684.

Upon the rumour of Abdallah’s cruel designs against the house of Ommiyah, Merwan made haste into Syria, where his friends came about him, and, resolving to make a bold stand in self-defence, they proclaimed him caliph. Syria was now divided into two factions; Hassan and the Yemanians in Syria, siding with Merwan, and Dehac the son of Kais, with Abdallah. This Dehac was a man of great note; he had been

at the first siege of Damascus, and in the fifty-fourth year Moawiyah made him his deputy over Cufah. Because the general’s father’s name was Kais, the party that followed him were called Kaisians. There were a great many parleys between the two factions, which it would be tedious to relate. At last the brought it to the decision of a battle in the plains or meadows of Damascus. The issue was, that the Kaisians were shamefully beaten, Dehac himself being killed, and a great slaughter made amongst the horse. When the Kaisians were routed, Merwan sounded a retreat, and would not suffer his men to pursue. With Dehac, no less than fourscore of the nobles of Syria were killed. When Dehac’s head was brought to Merwan, he expressed some concern, and said, “That I who am an old man, whose bones are wasted, and am next to nothing, should bring armies together to break one another in pieces!”

He then went into Damascus, and took up his lodgings at the house where Moawiyah used to reside. There he married Yezid’s widow, for it had been agreed Merwan should not transfer the government to his own posterity, but leave it to Yezid’s son Kaled, who was then a minor, and of whom the people had some expectation. Wherefore his friends thought it safer for him to marry Kaled’s mother, and take upon him the guardianship of the child, than run the risk of standing upon the sole foundation of his own interest.

When the news of the defeat of the Kaisians and the death of Dehac came to Emessa, which was under the command of Nooman the son of Bashir, he fled away with his wife and family. The Emessians, however, pursued him, and cut off his head, and brought it, together with his wife and family, to Emessa.

Merwan after this marched towards Egypt, and sent before him Amrou the son of Saïd, who, going into Egypt, turned out Abdallah’s lieutenant, and brought the Egyptians to own Merwan for their sovereign. As Merwan was upon his return to Damascus, news was brought him that Abdallah had sent his brother Musab against him with an army; wherefore he turned back and routed Musab before he entered Damascus.

This year the people of. Khorassan chose Salem the son of Ziyad, who was their former governor, for their protector, till

the Mussulmans should be agreed in the choice of an Imam. In that post he continued about two months. The people of the country never had any governor that they loved so well; they respected him to that degree, that in those few years that he governed them, there were more than twenty thousand children named Salem, purely out of love to his name.

This year the sect of Ali began to stir in Cufah, and sent circular letters to their friends round about the country, appointing a rendezvous in Nochailah for the next year following, intending to march into Syria to revenge the death of Hosein. The occasion was the following:—When after the death of Hosein, the Cufians came to reflect coolly upon that matter, their consciences accused them of having failed him both in honour and duty, and they thought they could make no atonement for their crime but by taking up arms to revenge his death. They therefore applied themselves to five leading men of the sect, Solyman the son of Sorad, who was one of the companions; and Mosabbib the son of Nahbah, one of the choicest of the friends of Ali; Abdallah the son of Said; Abdallah the son of Wali; and Refaah the son of Shadad. These all met together in Solyman’s house, besides a great many others of the chief men of the sect, to whom Mosabbib made a speech, wherein he enlarged upon “the heinousness of their neglect, in having deserted Hosein after so solemn an invitation, and having received so many letters and messages from him; that they had neither assisted him with their hands, nor spoken for him with their tongues; neither supported him with their money, nor looked out for any assistance for him. What excuse would they have when they should come to appear before God, or how should they be able to look his prophet in the face, when by their means his son* was killed, and his beloved with his offspring and his posterity cut off! There was, he told them, no way to atone for this but by revenging his death upon his murderers, which was no hard matter, provided they chose a proper general, one that the people would be willing to fight under.” This was seconded by Refaah, who, added, that as to a general, his opinion was, that they should choose the chief of the sect, a person reverenced by all for his years, dignity, piety, and

experience, Solyman the son of Sorad. Solyman, having first made a speech suitable to the occasion, accepted the command; and when some other persons arose and made speeches to urge on the matter (for there were above a hundred of the chief men amongst them), he told them, that there was enough said already, and the nest step they ought to take should be to put what each of them designed to contribute into the hands of Abdallah the son of Wali, to be distributed amongst the poorest of the sect. The contents of Solyman’s circular letter was as follows:—

“In the name of the most merciful God.

“From Solyman the son of Sorad to Saïd the son of Hodaifah, and whosoever is with him of the Mussulmans; peace be to you. The present world is a mansion upon which every thing that is good turneth its back, and to which every thing that is bad draweth near, (or turneth its face;) and treateth persons of uprightness ill. The chosen servants of God have resolved to leave it, and to sell the little of the present world that remaineth not, for the great reward that is with God and shall never fail. The friends of God, your brethren of the sect of the family of your prophet, have considered with themselves the trial they have undergone in the business of the son of the daughter of your prophet, who was called and answered, and called and was not answered; and would have returned but was detained; and asked for security but was hindered: and he let the people alone, but they would not let him alone; but dealt wrongfully by him and killed him, and then spoiled him and stripped him wickedly, despitefully, and foolishly. Nor did they act as in the sight of God, neither had they recourse to God, and they that have done evil shall know what shall be the end of their actions. Now what your brethren have seriously considered concerning the events of that in which they formerly engaged is this, They see they have sinned in deceiving the innocent, the good; and in the delivering him up, and the omitting the healing and helping him. A great sin! from which there is no way left for escape, nor any repentance but by killing those that killed him, or being killed themselves, and resigning their spirits upon this account. Now, therefore,

your brethren are bestirring themselves in earnest, as also is your enemy; therefore do you get together all the assistance you are able. And we have fixed a time for our brethren to meet us at a place appointed. The time is the new moon of the month of the latter Rebiyah, in the sixty-fifth year, and the place where they shall meet us is Nochailah. O ye who never cease to be of our sect and our brethren! We have determined to invite you to this business which, as your brethren say, God would have them undertake, and as they show to us that they repent, so would we give you an opportunity to prove that you are persons duly qualified for the search of excellency, and the laying hold of the reward and repentance towards your Lord for your sin, though it be the cutting off your necks, and. the killing your children, and the consumption of your wealth, and the destruction of your tribes and families. He [God] hath not hurt the courageous, religious men that were killed, but they are now alive with their Lord, sustained as martyrs;* enduring (affliction) patiently, they met their Lord; they are made account of, and God hath given them the reward of good men.† If it please God, persevere patiently in tribulation and affliction, and in the day of battle (God have mercy upon you!) for it is not fit that any of your brethren should persevere in any affliction in seeking his repentance, without you who are equally worthy. and fit to seek the like reward by the same means; neither is it fit that any one should seek the favour of God by any means, though it were by death itself, but you should have the same privilege. ‘For the best provision for a voyage is the fear of God in this world, and every thing besides shall perish and vanish away.-’‡ Wherefore let your souls be assured of this, and your desire be fixed upon the mansion of your safety, and the engaging in the holy war against the enemy of God and your enemy; and the enemy of the family of the daughter of your prophet, till you come before God with repentance and desire. God preserve both us and you to the happy life, and remove both us and you from hell, and grant it may be our reward to die by

the hands of that part of mankind that is the most odious of all to him, and are his most vehement enemies. He is the most powerful over what he pleases, and disposeth of his friends according to his will. Farewell to you.”

Saïd read the letter to all the people, who readily gave their assent, and despatched a very encouraging answer to Solyman and his friends.* The truth of the matter is, that the sect of Ali had been contriving this affair from the time of Hosein’s death till the death of Yezid the son of Moawiyah, (which was three years, two months, and four days) and had sent privately to one another, and laid up magazines, and strengthened their party.

Six months after Yezid’s death, in the midst of the month Ramadan, Al Moktar came to Cufah, and at the same time came Ibrahim, the son of Mohammed the son of Telha, to receive the tribute of Cufah for Abdallah the son of Zobeir. The sect of (Ali)† readily joined themselves to this Captain Al Moktar, who made use of the authority of Mohammed, the son of Hanifiyah, who was Ali’s son, and the hope of the party. He told them he was come to them as a counsellor and trusty assistant from the son of Al Hanifiyah. This circumstance, added to their confidence in his known abilities, endeared him to them exceedingly. He made it his business to disparage Solyman, the son of Sorad, as a person by no means qualified for the trust he had undertaken; but one that would most certainly destroy both them and himself, having no manner of experience in warlike affairs. Abdallah, the son of Yezid, was then governor of Cufah, and having received information that the sect had a design to seize the city, he called a congregation, and told them “that these people pretended indeed to seek revenge for Hosein’s death, but he was persuaded that that was the bottom of their designs. For his part they had no reason to fight against him who was no manner of way concerned in the matter, but had been a sufferer upon the same account. If on the other hand they would in good earnest follow up those who were guilty of the death of Hosein, he should be willing to assist them.” Then turning to the people he said: “In short it was the son

of Ziyad that killed Hosein, and that killed the most valuable men amongst you; and the best thing you can do is to make preparation of war against him, who is the greatest enemy you have in the whole creation, rather than exercise your force upon one another, and shed each other’s blood.” Ibrahim the collector rose up and bade the people not be deceived with the governor’s smooth speeches; and declared, that if any rose up in arms they should be put to death, both father and son, without distinction. As he was proceeding, Mosabbib cut him off short, and asked him, whether he pretended to threaten or terrify them? That it was more than lay in his power; “We have,” says he, “already killed your father and grandfather, and we hope, before you go out of this country, to make you the third.” Ibrahim threatened him with death, when Abdallah the son of Wali stood up, and asked Ibrahim what business he had to intermeddle between them and their governor, telling him that he had no manner of authority over them, but that he might go about his business, and look after his tax. The sect were wonderfully pleased with Abdallah the son of Yezid’s speech, and the people very much offended at Ibrahim’s behaviour; there were high words on both sides till Abdallah came down and left the mosque. Afterwards the governor, being informed that Ibrahim had threatened to write to Abdallah the son of Zobeir, and acquaint him with the purports of his smooth speech to the Cufians, made haste to pay him a visit, and swore that he meant nothing by it, but to appease the people, and keep the peace, to prevent their doing any further mischief. With this excuse Ibrahim was very well satisfied; but Solyman and his party encouraged by his public speech, and throwing off the mask, appeared openly in arms.

At this time the Separatists who had before joined Abdallah the son of Zobeir, and assisted him whilst he was besieged in Mecca, deserted him. The case was thus: Obeidollah, when governor at Bassorah, had been their implacable enemy, and exerted himself to the utmost to extirpate the whole generation of them, root and branch, from off the face of the earth. Distressed by his unmerciful persecution they took the opportunity, when Abdallah the son of Zobeir first made his appearance at Mecca, to apply to him. He, as matters then stood with him, was no less glad of their assistance than they

were of his protection, and embraced them without any scrutiny about principles, or asking any questions for conscience’ sake. Afterwards, however, they began to say among themselves, that they had committed an error in engaging themselves in a man’s interest whose principles were dubious; and resolved, before they advanced one step further, to bring him to the test. They had not forgotten how both he and his father Zobeir had persecuted them upon the account of Othman’s death, and they were resolved to make use of it as a test of his present sentiment. They came to him accordingly in a body, and told him, “That hitherto they had assisted him without any previous examination of his principles; now, for satisfaction, they desired to know what he thought of Othman?” Abdallah understood them very well, but seeing but few of his friends about him at the time, he told them, that they were come at an unreasonable moment, when he wished to be at rest; if, however, they would wait a little, and return in the evening, they should have a satisfactory answer. In the meantime he gathered together a strong body of soldiers, and placed them in double ranks round about his house. At last the Separatists came again, but perceiving how matters stood, and what preparation Abdallah had made for their reception, did not think fit to come to blows. One of them, however, a man of a voluble tongue, eminent for his eloquence, made a speech, wherein he briefly recapitulated the most considerable dispensations of providence towards them, and the several successions of their caliphs since Mohammed, concluding with hard reflections upon Othman’s administration, his partiality in favour of his relations, and, in a word, justified his murder. Abdallah told him in reply, “That as to what he had said concerning the prophet (who was very great) he was not only what he had said, but much more; all too that he had said of Abubeker and Omar was just enough; but as for Othman, he had more reason to know him than any man alive; and he was sure he was murdered wrongfully, for he never wrote that letter whereof he had been accused; and for his own part, he should be a friend of Othman’s both in this world and that to come, a friend of his friends,??? and an enemy of his enemies.” To this they answered, “God is clear of thee, thou enemy of God!” which he echoed back again, “God is clear of you, ye enemies of God!” Upon this they parted. As for

Abdallah, he could easily spare them. Some of them went to Yemanah, the rest to Bassorah. Those that went to Bassorah began to say among themselves, “Would to God some of our people would go out in the way of God! for there hath been negligence on our side since our companions went out, and our teachers stood up in the earth, and were the lights of mankind, and exhorted them to religion, and sober and courageous men went out and met the Lord, and became martyrs maintained with God alive.”* Thus they encouraged one another mutually till they had gathered together a body of about three hundred, just about the time that the Bassorians made an insurrection against Obeidollah, and, taking the advantage of the disorders among the people, they broke open all the jails. But when Obeidollah was driven into Syria, and the disturbance was completely over, they were soon routed and driven away from Bassorah.

So many things being transacted in several parts of the empire much about the same time, it was necessary to despatch these first, to clear the way for Moktar,† that great and terrible scourge of the enemies of Ali’s family; and because he makes so considerable a figure in this part of our history, it will be necessary to be a little more particular in the account of his affairs. The sect of Ali had entertained no very favourable opinion of him ever since the time of Hasan; for he was considered to have been remiss in his service; but he regained their good opinion when Hosein sent Muslim to Cufah to take the suffrages of the Cufians, for he not only entertained him in his house, but also made use of all his interest privately to serve him; all the while, to prevent suspicion, making his appearance in public among Obeidollah’s men. Going one morning to wait upon the governor, Obeidollah asked him, “whether he was come with his men to serve Muslim?” Moktar said, “that he was not, but had been under the banner of Amrou the son of Horith, and stayed with him all night,” which Amrou confirmed. This, however, did not satisfy Obeidollah, who had good intelligence of his secret practices. He struck him over the face with his stick, knocked out one of his eyes, and sent him immediately to prison, where he was detained till after Hosein’s death. Upon which event Al Moktar, finding means to make application to Yezid the

caliph, was, by his express command, set at liberty. Obeidollah knew well that it was not to the caliph’s interest to let him go, but forced to obey. He told Al Moktar that he allowed him three days, after which, if he took him, he would be under no obligation to spare him.

Al Moktar made the best of his way to the part of Arabia called Hejaz (which is generally taken by our geographers to be Arabia Petræa), and meeting with a friend, who asked him what ailed his eye, he answered, “Obeidollah injured it: but God kill me if I do not one day cut him to pieces.” His friend wondered at his speech, there being then little probability of its ever being in his power, and Moktar inquired of him concerning Abdallah the son of Zobeir. He answered him, “That he had made Mecca the place of his refuge;” to which Moktar answered, “I do not believe that he will make anything of it; but when it comes to pass, that you see Moktar up at the head of his men to revenge the death of Hosein, then, by thy Lord, I will kill, upon the account of his murder, as many as were killed upon the account of the blood of John the son of Zacharias, upon whom be peace.”

For the clearing of which passage it must be understood that the Mohammedans entertain a profound veneration for the memory of St. John the Baptist, upon the account of the honourable mention made of him in the third chapter of the Koran, in these words, “Then prayed Zachariah to his Lord, and said, ‘My Lord, give me from thee a good progeny, for thou art the hearer of prayers.’ And the angels called to him as he stood praying in the oratory, ‘God sends thee the good news of John, who shall confirm the truth of the word from God, and shall be a great person, chaste, a prophet, and one of the just,’ or rather, ‘and one of the just prophets.’”*

Which passage Hosein Waes paraphrases in these words,† “John the Baptist, your son, shall publish and give authority to the faith in the Messias Jesus the son of Mary, who is the Word of God, or the Word proceeding from God; for he shall be the first who shall believe in him. He shall become chief and high-priest by his knowledge, by the austerity of his life, and by the sweetness of his behaviour, which are three qualities requisite to make a man an Imam or high priest of the law of God. He shall abstain from women,

and from all the pleasures of sense, and, in short, he shall be a prophet descended from good men such as his father Zachariah and his grandfather Saleh had been before him teaching men the ways of justice and salvation.”

They have, moreover, a tradition that St. John Baptist, having been beheaded by the command of a king of Judea, the blood which flowed from his body could not be stanched till it was avenged by a great desolation which God sent upon the people of the Jews. This is what Al Moktar alluded to.

When they parted, Al Moktar went to Mecca, which he reached just at the time that Abdallah set up for the caliphate, whom he told that all things about Cufah were in the utmost confusion; and then, whispering, said that he was come to proffer him his allegiance, if he would make him easy. I do not find what answer he received, nor whether or no he received any at all. However, from that time he was seen no more at Mecca till about a twelvemonth after, when, as Abbas the son of Sahel and Abdallah happened to be talking concerning him, he appeared on one side of the temple. Abbas went to him immediately, to find out which way he stood inclined, and asked him if he had been all that while in Taïf (for he had seen him there himself); he told him “No, in Taïf and other places,” but seemed to make a secret of his affairs. Abbas told him that, like the rest of the Cufians,??? he was very reserved; that all the noble families of the Arabians had sent some great man or other to offer their allegiance to Abdallah, and that it would be very strange if he should be singular, and refuse it.* To this Al Moktar replied, that he had offered his services the year before, but receiving no satisfactory answer, he supposed Abdallah had no occasion for them; and, as he thought Abdallah had more occasion for him than he had for Abdallah, he felt himself slighted. At last Abbas prevailed upon him so far, that he said he would visit Abdallah after he had said the last evening prayer. They appointed to meet at the Stone, and Abbas in the meantime rejoiced the heart of Abdallah with the news. When they were admitted into Abdallah’s house, Al Moktar told him that if he gave him his allegiance he expected to have access to him upon all occasions before any other person, and

to be employed upon his most weighty affairs; Abdallah would have had him been content with being governed, “according to the book of God and the tradition.” Al Moktar answered, “That that was no more privilege than what the farthest man alive enjoyed, and that he would never come in upon any other terms than what he had proposed.” Abdallah’s affairs being as yet in an unsettled state, it was thought most advisable to indulge him in his humour; Al Moktar accordingly continued with Abdallah during the siege of Mecca, and fought bravely in the defence of it, till, as we have related before, upon the news of Yezid’s death, the siege was raised, and the army returned into Syria.

After the death of Yezid, Al Moktar continued with Abdallah five months and some days; but perceiving that Abdallah was still shy of him, and did not employ him in any considerable post, nor make any great use of him in his counsels, he began to inquire diligently into the condition of the Cufians, and Ali’s friends on that side of the country. At last he was informed, by one in whom he confided, that there was only a small party, supported by a few provincialists, in the interest of Abdallah; whereas the friends of Ali wanted nothing but a man of their own opinion to head them in order to consume the whole earth. Al Moktar swore that he was their man, and that, by their assistance, he would beat down “all haughty tyrants.”* His informant also told him, for his further satisfaction, they had already gone so far as to set one over them, who was, however, a person of but little experience. Al Moktar said he did not intend to call them to sedition, but to the right way, “and to the church,” and forthwith set forth for Cufah. All the way he went he made it his business to pay his respects to the congregations of the several mosques; and say his prayers among them, and harangue them, assuring them of success and victory, and a speedy deliverance from all their grievances. When he came to Cufah he called the sect together, and told them that he was come “from the mine of excellency,† the Imam that directs the right way, who commanded medicines to be applied, and the veil to be removed, and the perfection of

gracious works, and the killing of their enemies. He then represented to them the incapacity of Solyman for such an undertaking, as being altogether inexperienced in war, and one that would only destroy both them and himself.” This he repeated so frequently that he drew over a great many of the sect into his interest, who began every day to favour him more and more in their common discourse, and magnify his merit, and promise themselves great things from him. But notwithstanding all this, Solyman’s interest was still superior amongst the sect, as being the most ancient, and of the greatest authority. Solyman now resolved to go forwards according to his own appointment, with what forces he had, expecting to be joined by a great army of the sect at Nochailah. Al Moktar stayed behind, awaiting the issue of the expedition, not doubting in the least, but that if Solyman miscarried, as he thought he would, the sole command of the sect would inevitably fall into his hands. By some of Solyman’s party he was suspected of having a secret design of seizing the province, upon which account they surrounded his house, and having surprised him, advised the governor to bind him and make him walk barefoot to prison. The governor answered that he would never do so to a man that had not openly declared himself an enemy, but was only seized upon suspicion. Then they demanded that he should be put in irons; but the governor answered that the prison was restraint enough. And being conveyed thither upon a mule, we must leave him there for a while.

We return now to Solyman and his penitents, for so all those who confederated under him to revenge the death of Hosein were called, because of their sorrow for their former neglect of him in his extremity. According to agreement, in the new moon of the latter Rebiyah, they set out for the general rendezvous at Nochailah, a place not very far distant from Cufah. When he came there, and had taken a view of the camp, he was greatly concerned at the smallness of the number collected there, and despatched two horsemen post to Cufah, with orders to cry round about the streets, and in the great mosque, “Vengeance for Hosein.” As they passed through the streets they stimulated the people, and amongst the rest an Arabian, who was married to the greatest beauty of her time, whom he doated upon to an excess. As soon

as he heard that proclamation, he neither answered them one word, nor went out to them; but, putting on his clothes in all haste, he called for his arms and his horse. His wife asked him if he was possessed; he answered, “By God, no! but I have heard God’s herald calling for revenge for the blood of that man (Hosein), and I will answer him, and I will die for him, or God shall dispose of me as he pleases.” “To whom,” said she, “do you leave this child of yours?” “To God,” saith he, “who hath no partner. O God! I commend to thee my family and my child? O God, preserve me in them.” This said, he followed them, and left her to bewail him.

After parading through the street they went to the great mosque, where they found a great many people after the last evening prayer, and repeated among them the same cry. Upon which, among others, a person of distinction went home, and armed himself and called for his horse. His daughter asking him whither he was going, he answered, “Child, thy father flies from his sin to his God.” Then calling his nearest relations together, he took his leave, and arrived at Solyman’s camp the next morning. Here they looked over the rolls to see how many had given their hands at first and kept their engagement. They found the former to be sixteen thousand, whereof not more than four thousand were present. One said that Al Moktar had drawn off two thousand; so that, according to that account, there still remained ten thousand guilty of perjury. At last Mosabbib told Solyman, that they who did not come out of hearty good-will would do them no service. After the muster, Solyman, and several others of the chief men, made speeches to the handful of men they had, telling them, that it was not this world they fought for; that they had neither silver nor gold, but were going to expose themselves to the edges of swords and the points of spears. To which the people answered, with one voice, “It is not this world that we seek, neither did we come out for the sake of it.” They next consulted together as to the most proper method of carrying on their design; one proposed to march directly into Syria to be revenged on Obeidollah; another would have them go and destroy all that had a hand in Hosein’s death at Cufah,

where there were a great many of the chiefs of the tribes, and several other leading men. The last advice Solyman did by no means approve of; but said, that they ought to take vengeance upon that individual who had beset him with armed men, and said to him, “You shall have no protection from me, unless you surrender yourself entirely to my disposal;” that wicked wretch, the son of that wicked wretch, is your object! Besides, he did not think it by any means advisable to begin a massacre in their own province, since it would alienate their friends, and exasperate the people to see their fathers, and brethren, and near relations murdered before their faces. On this account he advised them to leave that matter for future consideration, if it should please God to grant them a safe return out of Syria.

In the meantime, Ibrahim (who, as we have mentioned before, was sent from Abdallah, the son of Zobeir, to gather the tribute) and Abdallah, the son of Yezid, the governor of Cufah, being informed of Solyman’s expedition, entertained the thought of joining forces with him. They thought it was both prudent and practicable to secure themselves in that part of the country, under the pretence of revenging the death of Hosein. Besides, they knew that Obeidollah’s cruelty had won him the ill-will and hatred of all the provinces that had been under his jurisdiction. They went, therefore, together to Solyman, and requested him to wait till they could raise forces to assist him, or else to abide where he was till Obeidollah should come within their bounds, which they had very good reason to think would not be long after the alarm was raised in Syria. But not prevailing with him, Ibrahim entreated him at least to stay till he could furnish him with money (no less than the tribute of the whole province). But the only answer he got to this last proposal was, that their going out was not for this world. Thus the conference broke off, and Solyman continued his march into Syria, and Ibrahim and the son of Yezid returned back to Cufah.

In the meanwhile, Obeidollah was not idle, but was upon his march towards them. Solyman’s men, perceiving that their friends of Madayen and Bassorah did not join them according to promise, began to murmur. Notwithstanding

all his endeavours to pacify them, they deserted in troops; so that when he mustered them at Eksas, upon the banks of the Euphrates, there were a thousand of them wanting. To the rest Solyman said, “It is a good riddance; for if they had stayed, they would have been only a burden to you. The Lord did not approve of their going out, and therefore he hath withdrawn them, and held them back for the better, wherefore praise ye your Lord.”

Marching all night, they came the next morning to Hosein’s burying-place, where they stayed a night and a day, which they spent in prayer for him, and begging pardon for their own sins. When they first came to his tomb, they all cried out with one voice, and wept, and wished that they had been partners with him in his death. There never was seen a greater day of weeping than that. Solyman said, “O God! be merciful to Hosein the martyr, the son of the martyr; the guide, the son of the guide; the righteous, the son of the righteous! O God! we call thee to witness, that we are in their profession of religion, and in their way, and that we are enemies of those that killed them, and friends of those that loved them.” Another account (not contradictory to the former) says, that when they drew near to Hosein’s tomb they cried out unanimously, “O Lord! we have deceived the son of the daughter of our prophet; forgive us what is past, and repent towards us, for thou art the repenter, the merciful! Have mercy upon Hosein and his followers, the righteous martyrs! And we call thee to witness, O Lord! that we are the very same sort of men with those that were killed for his sake, and if thou dost not forgive us our conduct to him, we also must be sufferers.” They did not move till the morning after, but continued bewailing him and his friends at his sepulchre, the sight of which renewed their sorrow. Nay, when Solyman commanded them to march, there was never a man of them would stir till he had first stood over Hosein’s tomb, and begged his pardon. One that was present there swears that he never saw such crowding and pressing even round the black stone. From thence they marched to Hesasah, from Hesasah to Alambar, from Alambar to Sodud, and from Sodud to Kayyarah.

Whilst they were at Kayyarah, Abdallah the son of Yezid, the governor of Cufah, sent them a friendly letter, admonishing

them of the hopelessness of their undertaking, in encountering such a multitude as they must expect to meet, with such a handful; assuring them of his being in the same interest with them, and desiring them to return. He concluded thus: “Do not set at nought my advice, nor contradict my command;* come as soon as my letter is read to you. God turn your faces towards his obedience, and your backs to the rebellion against him.” When the letter was read, and the people had asked Solyman’s advice, he told them that he saw no reason for going back, that they were never like to be nearer the two Hoseins† than now, and that the meaning of their persuading them to return was, that they might assist Abdallah the son of Zobeir, which he believed they were not required to do. But if they died now, they should die in a state of repentance for their sins.” At last he came to Hait, from whence he wrote an answer to the governor of Gufah, wherein he gave him thanks for his kind letter, but told him that his men could not accept of his invitation. They were true penitents, and determined to go forwards and leave the success to God. The governor, as soon as he received the letter, said that they were resolved to die, and that would be the next news of them. From Bait they went to Karkisia, from thence to Ainwerdah. Their design was to depose both the caliphs, via.:. [Abdalmelik‡ the son of ] Merwan, and Abdallah the son of Zobeir, and restore the government to the family of the prophet. Not to enter into a long detail of the tedious particulars of their march and engagement, they fell in at last with Obeidollah and twenty thousand men, who cut them all to pieces.

Not long after, in the month Ramadan, the caliph Merwan died. We must here remember, that after Moawiyah’s

decease, Merwan was chosen caliph upon this condition, that Kaled the son of Yezid should succeed him, excluding his own children, and that Kaled had refused to take the government upon himself, because he was as yet too young; and that to secure the succession to Kaled, Merwan married Yezid’s widow, who was Kaled’s mother.

Afterwards however, Merwan, having altered his mind, was desirous that the succession should pass to his own children to the exclusion of Kaled, and accordingly caused his eldest son Abdalmelik to be proclaimed his lawful and proper successor.

Kaled, who always hated him, came to him one day, when there were a great many of the nobility about him in the garden, and reviled him in the most opprobrious terms. This moved the old man’s choler to such a degree, that he called him bastard. Kaled went immediately and told his mother all that had passed, and the lady, touched to the quick with this affront, resolved secretly to be revenged. She said, however, to Kaled, “Child, you must have a care of such behaviour, for he will never bear it; let me alone, and I will take care of him for you.” Merwan, coming in soon after, asked her if Kaled had said anything concerning him; she told him no; he had too much respect for him to do so.

Merwan did not long survive this event, however; some say his wife poisoned him, others that she laid a pillow upon his face when he was asleep, and sat upon it till he was dead, and then told the people that he died on a sudden.

Some say his age was sixty-three; others, with more probability, seventy-one. He reigned two hundred and ninety-eight days.

He was called Ebn Tarid, “The son of the expelled;” because Mohammed had banished his father Hakem for divulging a secret.* He continued in his exile during the reigns of Abubeker and Omar, and his recall was objected to

Othman as one of the greatest crimes; it being nothing less than reversing the sentence of the prophet. Othman, mild and good-natured as he was, thought that since the cause of his banishment and all the bad effects of it that could possibly happen from it, were at an end, the punishment ought to cease also.

ABDALMELIK THE SON OF MERWAN, FIFTH CALIPH OF THE HOUSE OF OMMIYAH, AND THE ELEVENTH AFTER MOHAMMED.

On the third day of the month Ramadan,* in the sixty-fifth year of the Hejirah, Abdalmelik the son of Merwan was inaugurated caliph, and succeeded his father in the government of Syria and Egypt. It is reported, that when the news was first brought to him, he was sitting with the Koran in his lap; whereupon he folded it up and laid it aside, and said, “I must take my leave of thee now.”

Abdallah still holding out against him at Mecca, Abdalmelik was not willing the people should go thither on pilgrimage. For that reason he sent and enlarged the temple of Jerusalem, so as to take the “stone into the body of the church,”† and the people began to make their pilgrimages thither.

All this while Al Moktar was making the best use of his time. During his imprisonment he found means to keep up his correspondence with the sect. Letters being conveyed to him in the lining of a cap, he was soon informed of Solyman’s fate, and thought the season was arrived for him to exert himself. Abdallah the son of Zobeir being still in arms at Mecca against Abdalmelik the new caliph, Ibrahim the son of Alashtar was courted by the sect, who answered, that he

would join with them if they would place themselves under his command; but they told him that that was impossible, because they were already engaged to Al Moktar, who soon afterwards being released, produced, at a meeting where Ibrahim was present, a letter from Al Mohdi the son of Mohammed, the son of Ali, who was head of the sect in a lineal succession, and Ibrahim gave him his hand without any more to do. Accordingly Al-Moktar took upon him the sole command of the forces. Not only so, but a great many of them inaugurated him caliph upon these terms, that he should govern according to the contents of the book of God and the tradition of the apostle, and destroy the murderers of Hosein and the family.* The first Al Moktar proceeded to sere was Shamer, whom he overcame and killed; the next was Caula, who had carried Hosein’s head to Obeidollah, him he beseiged in his own house, and slew and burned him to death. Afterwards he slew Ammar, who commanded the army that had murdered Hosein, and gave orders that the horsemen should trample over his back and breast; he also took the life of his son, and sent both their heads to Mohammed Ben Hanifiyah. The sect were afraid lest he should pardon Ali the son of Hathem, and therefore begged of him to let them kill him; he told them that they might dispose of him as they thought fit. They took him and bound him, saying, You stripped the son of Ali before he was dead, and we will strip you alive; you made a mark of him, and we will make one of you.” Thereupon they let fly a shower of arrows at him, which stuck so thick over all parts of his body that he looked like a porcupine. In short, Al Moktar found means to surprise the enemies of Hosein wherever they were, and destroyed them with a variety of deaths.

Abdalmelik† had about this time sent an army against Abdallah the son of Zobeir, who was at Medina; Al Moktar, who had two such powerful enemies to deal with, determined to try if he could get rid of them one by one. Accordingly, he endeavoured in the following manner to overreach Abdaliah, by sending an army, pretendedly, to his assistance.

Abdalmelik having sent an army out of Syria towards Irak, Al Moktar was afraid lest they should not only-fall upon him on

that side, but that he should be at the same time hard pressed on the other by Abdallah’s brother Musab, from Bassorah. He therefore wrote a deceitful letter to Abdallah, telling him, that being informed that Abdalmelik the son of Merwan had sent an army against him, he was ready to come to his assistance with a competent force. Abdallah answered, “That if he would only assure him of the sincerity of his allegiance he might come; and in order to satisfy him in that point, he desired him to take the votes of his men for him. If he did this, he would believe him, and not send any more forces into his country; and that in the meantime he must send his proffered assistance with all possible speed against Abdalmelik’s army that lay at Dilkora.” Upon this, Al Moktar called Serjabil the son of Wars to him, and despatched him with three thousand men, most of them slaves, for there were not above seven hundred Arabs amongst them, and bade him march directly to Medina, and write to him from thence for further orders. Al Moktar’s design was, as soon as they came to Medina, to send an Emir to command them, whilst Serjabil should go and besiege Abdallah in Mecca. But Abdallah, who had no great confidence in Al Moktar, especially as he had not given him the security he expected, did not intend to allow himself to be surprised. He therefore sent Abbas the son of Sahel, from Mecca to Medina, with two thousand men, ordering him, if he found the army in his interest, to receive them, if otherwise, to use the best of his endeavours to destroy them. When Abbas, who observed no order in his march, came up with Serjabil, he found his men in order of battle, the horse on the right, and Serjabil himself marching before the foot on the left. After they had saluted one another, Abbas took Serjabil aside, and asked him if he did not own himself to be Abdallah’s subject? To which question when Serjabil had answered in the affirmative, Abbas bade him march along with him to Dilkora; but Serjabil told him, that he had received no such orders from his master, who had commanded him to proceed directly to Medina. Abbas however told him, that his master took it for granted, that he was come to join the expedition against Dilkora; but the other still insisted that his instructions were to move upon Medina. Abbas, perceiving how matters stood, concealed

his suspicion, and told him he was in the right to obey his orders; but for his own part he must go to Dilkora. Now Serjabil and his men were almost famished for the want of provision, which in their long march had ran short. Abbas therefore made Sejabil a present of a fat sheep, and also sent one to every ten of his men. The sharpness of their hunger soon set them on work, and, leaving their ranks, they were quickly in disorder, running backwards and forwards for water, and whatsoever else was necessary for the dressing their victuals. Abbas in the meantime having drawn up a thousand of his best men, advanced upon Serjabil, who, perceiving his danger, attempted to rally his men; but had scarcely got together a hundred of them, before Abbas was close upon him, crying out to his men, “O troop of God! come out and fight with these confederates of the devil; you are in the right way, but they are perjured villains!” They had not fought long before Serjabil and seventy of his guard were killed; whereupon Abbas held up a flag of quarter, to which Serjabil’s men readily ran, except three hundred, who were all afterwards put to the sword. When Al Moktar heard the news, he wrote to Mohammed the son of Hanifiyah, acquainting him with the disaster, and proffering to send a powerful army to his assistance, if he would please to accept of it. Mohammed answered, that he was very well assured of the sincerity of his zeal; that if he thought fit to make use of arms, he would have no want of assistance; but that he was resolved to bear all with patience, and leave the event to God, who was the best judge. When the messenger who had brought Al Moktar’s letter took his leave, Mohammed said to him, “Bid Al Moktar fear God, and abstain from shedding blood.” The messenger asked him, if he had not better write that word to him. But Mohammed replied, “I have already commanded him to obey the great and mighty God; and the obedience of God consists in the doing all that is good, and the abstaining from all evil.” When Al Moktar received the letter he gave it another turn, and said to the people, “I am commanded to do that which is just, and reject infidelity and perfidiousness.”

This same year the Hoseinians went to Mecca, and performed a pilgrimage there, under Abu Abdallah Aljodali. Upon this occasion Abdallah seized Mohammed the son of

Hanifiyah, and all the rest of Ali’s family, though they behaved themselves very inoffensively, and were so far from making any disturbance, that they strongly recommended peace to their friends, who were ready to hazard their lives in their service; Abdallah had found by experience, that it would be impossible for him to succeed as long as they were alive, and refused the oath of allegiance. For though they did not stir themselves, they had a very strong party; and a great many others made good use of the pretext of revenging the death of Hosein to cover their disaffaction. Resolving therefore to make an end of it all at once, he seized Mohammed and his family, and seventeen of the principal Cufians, and imprisoned them in the Zemzem, and, setting a guard over them, threatened them, that if they did not come in within a certain time and do him homage, he would put them to death, and burn them to ashes. The Zemzem is the name of a pit at Mecca which (the Mussulmaus say) was made out of that spring which God caused to appear in favour of Hagar and Ishmael, when Abraham had turned them out of his house, and obliged them to retire into Arabia. Here they were shut up, but (says my author) God, whose name be magnified and glorified, gave to them courage and resolution not to come in, though Abdallah should execute all his threats upon them. Whilst they were in this condition, they found means to write to Al Moktar and acquaint him with their circumstances, entreating the Cufians also not to desert them, as they did Hosein and his family. When Al Moktar received the letter, he called the people together, and, having read it to them, said, “This is from your guide, and the purest of the family of the house of your prophet, upon whom be peace; they are left shut up like sheep expecting to be killed and burnt; but I will give them sufficient assistance, and send horse after horse, as the streams of water follow one another.”* Then he sent Abu Abdallah Aljodali with threescore and ten troopers, all men of approved valour. After him a second with four hundred. Then a third with one hundred. A fourth with one hundred. A fifth with forty. And last of all a sixth with forty more. In all, seven hundred and fifty. These went out at several times one after

the other, and Abu Abdallah the chief who had first gone out, made a halt by the way, till he was joined by the two companies, consisting of forty each, and with this one hundred and fifty made haste to the temple of Mecca, crying out “Vengeance for Hosein!” At last they went to the Zemzem, where they arrived opportunely, for Abdallah had got the wood ready to burn his prisoners, if they did not swear allegiance within the appointed time, to the expiration of which there wanted but two days. Having beaten off the guard, and broken open the Zemzem, they begged of Mohammed to allow them full liberty in treating with the enemy of God, Abdallah the son of Zobeir; but Mohammed answered that he would not permit any fighting in the sacred place of the most high God. Abdallah, now coming up, said to them, “Do you think I will dismiss them, unless they swear allegiance to me? nay, and you shall swear too.” But Abu Abdallah answered, “By the Lord of this sacred place, thou shalt let them go, or we will cut thee to pieces.” Abdallah, despising the smallness of their number, swore that he had only to give the word to his men and within an hour all their heads would be off. Mohammed the son of Hanifiyah kept back his friends, and would not let them fight, and in the meantime another captain came up with a hundred men, and a second with the like number; then two hundred, more in a body; who, as they came into the temple all cried out, “Allah Acbar, vengeance for the death of Hosein.” At this sight Abdallah’s passion began to cool, and before he could leave the temple he was taken prisoner. His captors entreated Mohammed to give them leave to dispose of him as they thought fit, but he would not suffer them. The money which they brought with them was distributed amongst four thousand of Ali’s friends, and the whole business, through the exceeding gentleness of Mohammed’s temper, was amicably compromised.

Before Merwan’s death, Obeidollah was sent towards Cufah with an army, with leave to plunder it for three days.† Against him was sent Yezid the son of Ares, who is worthy to be mentioned for his heroic courage and presence of mind;

for, being wounded in the battle, when death appeared in his face, and he was forced to be held by two men on his ass, he appointed three generals who if necessary were in succession to take the command of the army during the fight.* Obeidollah never reached Cufah. In the first month of the sixty-seventh year, Al Moktar sent his forces against him under the command of Ibrahim the son of Alashtar. There was one thing very remarkable in his preparation; he made a throne, and pretended that there was something mysterious in it, telling the people, that it would be of the same use to them that the ark had been to the children of Israel. Accordingly, in this expedition against Obeidollah, it was carried into the battle upon a mule, and a prayer was said by the whole army before it. “O God!” they prayed, “grant us to live long in thy obedience, and help us and do not forget us, but protect us.” And the people answered, “Amen, Amen.” After a sharp engagement, Obeidollah’s forces were beaten and himself killed in the camp. A greater number of the son of Ziyad’s men were drowned in the flight than were slain in the field. Ibrahim, having cut off his head and sent it with several others to Al Moktar, burned his body.† Thus did God avenge the death of Hosein by the hands of Al Moktar, though Al Moktar had no good design in it.‡ After the

success of this battle,* the people had such a reverence for this ark, that they almost idolized it.†

Al Moktar was now sole master of Cufah, where he persecuted all that he could lay his hands on, who were not of Hosein’s party; but this year, Abdallah sent his brother Musab to govern Bassorah. Musab rode muffled into Bassorah, and when he alighted at the temple, and went up into the pulpit, the people cried out Emir, Emir, that is, “a governor, a governor.” He bade Hareth his predecessor give place, which he did immediately, sitting one step below Musab. Then, having first, according to custom, praised God, he began with these words of the twenty eighth-chapter of

the Koran;* “We relate to thee the history of Moses and Pharaoh with truth, for (the satisfaction of) those that believe;” going on till he came to these words, and “was of them that defile the earth; when he pointed out with his hands towards Syria.”† And when he came to the words, “who were weakened in the earth, and we shall make them rulers, and make them heirs;” he pointed towards Hejaz or Arabia Petræa: while at the words, “and we showed Pharaoh and Haman, and their armies what they most feared,” he pointed again towards Syria. Then he said to the Bassorians, “I hear that you used to gave names to your emirs; I have named myself Hejaz, that is Arabia.”

Soon after one came into Bassorah, upon a crop-eared bob-tailed mule, with his clothes rent, crying out as loud as he could, Ya gautha, ya gautha, “help! help!” As soon as they had described the manner of his appearance to Musab, he said, “he was sure it must be Shebet, for nobody else would do so but him, and ordered them if it was so to give him instant admission.” Musab was right. Shebet had come with a heavy complaint, enforced by the names of a great many of the chief men of Cufah, who represented the great disorders committed in that city, and their sufferings under the administration of Al Moktar. They particularly complained of an insurrection of their slaves, which Al Moktar, if he did not encourage, did not endeavour to put down, and therefore begged his assistance, entreating him earnestly to march with an army against Al Moktar. He was very much inclined to hearken to their proposal, but was resolved not to stir till Al Mohalleb his lieutenant over Persia should come to his assistance. He therefore wrote to summons Al Mohalleb, who, however, made no great haste, not overmuch approving of the expedition. But he obeyed the second summons, and

came with large supplies both of men and money. Joining their forces, they marched towards Cufah against Al Moktar, who was not wanting to his own defence, but mustered his forces, and gave them battle. After a bloody fight Al Moktar was beaten, and made his retreat into the royal castle of Cufah, where Musab closely besieged him. Al Moktar defended the castle with great bravery till he was killed; and, upon his death, his men surrendered, at discretion, to Musab, who put them every man to the sword.* They were in all seven thousand.†

Thus, in the sixty-seventh year of his age died that great man,‡ who had beaten all the generals of Yezid, Merwan, and Abdalmelik, all three caliphs of the house of Ommiyah, and made himself master of all Babylonian Irak, whereof Cufah was the capital. He never pardoned, when he had them in his power, any one of those who had declared themselves enemies of the family of the prophet, nor those who, as he believed, had dipped their hands in Hosein’s blood, or that of his relations. On this account alone, without reckoning those who were slain in the battles which he fought, it is said that he killed nearly fifty thousand men.

This year* the sect of Separatists called Azarakites, sworn enemies to all established government, both temporal and spiritual, and particularly to the house of Ommiyah, made an eruption out of Persia, and overran all Irak, till they came near Cufah, and penetrated as far as Madayen. They committed all manner of outrages as they went, destroying all they met, and exercising the utmost cruelty without distinction of sex or age. There was a lady of extraordinary piety as well as beauty, which one of them would have spared, to whom another answered, “What! thou art taken with her beauty, thou enemy of God, and hast denied the faith!” and killed her. Al Mohalleb, the governor of Mausal and Mesopotamia, mustered his chosen troops at Bassorah, and met them at a place called Saulak, where they fought desperately for eight months, without intermitting one day. This year there was such a famine in Syria, that they could not undertake any expedition, nor lay siege to any town, because of the great scarcity of provisions. Abdalmelik encamped in a place called Botnan, near to the territories of Kinnisrin; his camp was very much incommoded by the great showers of rain; however, he wintered there, and afterwards returned to Damascus.

In the sixty-ninth year, Abdalmelik left Damascus to go against Musab the son of Zobeir, and appointed Amrou the son of Saïd to take care of Damascus, who seized upon it for himself,† which obliged Abdalmelik to return. Others say, that when he went out, Amrou the son of Saïd to him, “Your father promised me the caliphate after him, and upon that consideration I fought along with him, and you cannot be ignorant of the pains I took in his service; wherefore, as you are going to Irak, give me your nomination to the caliphate after you. Abdalmelik would not hearken to his proposal, and Amrou returned to Damascus, whither Abdalmelik followed him close. They skirmished in the streets several days; at last the women came between them with their children, crying out, “How long will you fight for the government of the Koreish, and destroy one another?” and with some difficulty, parted them; and articles of peace were drawn between Amrou and Abdalmelik.

But standing in competition for a crown is a crime never to

be forgiven. Three or four days after, Abdalmelik sent for Amrou, who, when the messenger arrived, was in company with his wife and two or three friends. They all tried to dissuade him from trusting himself into the caliph’s hands, but he resolved to run the risk. As he went out he stumbled and his wife, taking the omen, repeated her persuasions to stay him, but to no purpose. He put on his sword, and took a hundred men along with him. When he came to Abdalmelik’s house, he was admitted himself, but the gates were shut upon his men, and only a little foot-boy permitted to go in with him. When he came in, Abdalmelik spoke very civilly to him, and placed him by his side on his own couch, After a long discourse, he commanded a servant to take his sword off. Amrou, showing some unwillingness to part with it, “What,” said Abdalmelik, “would you sit by me with your sword on?” Amrou at this submitted, and was disarmed; whereupon Abdalmelik told him, that when he first rebelled against him he had taken an oath, that if ever he got him into his power, he would put him into fetters. Amrou said he hoped he would not expose him in them to the people. Abdalmelik promised him he would not, and at the same time pulled the fetters from under his cushion, which were accordingly put upon his hands and feet. Then he pulled him so violently against the couch that he beat out two of his fore-teeth. After which he told him that he would still let him go if he thought he would continue in his duty, and keep the Koreish right. “But,” said he, “never were two men in one country engaged in such an affair as you and I are concerned in, but one pursued the other to the death.” Some say that when Abdalmelik saw Amrou’s teeth dropped out, as he took them in his fingers, he said, “I see your teeth are out; after this you will never be reconciled to me,” and immediately commanded him to be beheaded.

The muezzin at the same time called to evening prayers. Abdalmelik went out to prayers, and left the execution of Amrou to his brother Abdolaziz the son of Merwan; whom, as he stood over him with his drawn sword, Amrou begged for God’s sake not to do that office himself, but to leave it to some other person that was not so nearly related to him; whereupon he threw away his sword and let him alone. Abdalmelik

made but short prayers, and when he came back, the people observing that Amrou was not long ago with him, acquainted his brother John with the matter, who, immediately gathering together some of his own friends, and a thousand of Amrou’s slaves, made an assault upon Abdalmelik’s house, broke open the gates, and killed several of the guards. In the meantime Abdalmelik, wondering to find Amrou alive, asked Abdolaziz the reason of it, and learning that he had forborne to kill him out of compassion, Abdalmelik gave him reproachful language, and calling for a javelin, struck Amrou with it, but as it did not penetrate, he repeated his blow, but still to no purpose. Thereupon, feeling Amrou’s arm, he discovered that he had a coat of mail beneath his vest, at which he smiled and said, “Cousin, you come well prepared!” Then, calling for his sword, and commanding Amrou to be thrown upon his back, he killed him; but he had no sooner despatched him, than he was seized with such a trembling that they were forced to take him up and lay him upon his couch. All this while John and his friends were pressing in, killing and wounding all they met. Wherefore, by Abdalmelik’s command, to satisfy them that their fighting would be to no purpose, they threw out Amrou’s head; and Abdolaziz the son of Merwan, to appease their rage, threw money amongst them in plenty. When they saw the head and the money, they left off fighting and fell to picking it up. After the heat was over, however, it is said that Abdalmelik, such was his covetousness, recalled it all again, and ordered it to be repaid into the public treasury. John was taken prisoner and sentenced to death, but Abdolaziz begged of his brother not to kill two of the Ommiyan family in one day: whereupon he was put in prison. After a month or more, Abdalmelik consulted with those about him as to the putting him and his friends to death; but he was answered that it would be better to leave them alone, for they were near relations; and the best way, perhaps, would be to give them their liberty and let them go, if they would, to his enemy Musab the son of Zobeir. For if they were killed in that service, he would be rid of them by the hands of others; but if they returned and fell into his hands again, he might then, without incurring any censure, deal with them according to

his own discretion. This advice was followed, and they went to Musab the son of Zobeir. When Abdalmelik sent to Amrou’s wife for the articles of peace between him and her husband which he had signed, she bade the messenger go back, and tell him that she had wrapped them up in his winding-sheet, in order that Amrou might have them to plead his cause with against him before God. There was an old grudge between Abdalmelik and his cousin Amrou which dated from their infancy, and was occasioned by an old woman of their own family, whom when they were boys they frequently visited. She used to dress victuals for them, and give each of them his dish by himself; and always managed, by showing a preference to one or the other, to raise a jealousy between them, and set them together by the ears; so that they were either always quarrelling, or else so obstinately sulky as not to exchange a single word. Merwan, before he died, had received information that Amrou entertained hopes of the caliphate after his decease, which made him seize the first opportunity to propose to the congregation to swear allegiance to his sons Abdalmelik and Abdolaziz after him, with which, without any exception, they all readily complied.

In the seventieth year, the Greeks made an incursion into Syria. Abdalmelik, who had business enough on his hands already, between the two sons of Zobeir, Abdallah in Arabia, and Musab in Irak, was not at leisure to go against them, but agreed to pay the Grecian emperor a thousand ducats every week. This same year, Musab went to Mecca with prodigious wealth and cattle, which he distributed amongst the Arabians. Abdallah the son of Zobeir also went the pilgrimage this year.

Abdalmelik, being now resolved upon an expedition into Irak against Musab, put to death the principal persons among those who had been confederates of Amrou the son of Saïd.† He had sent before him to Bassorah Kaled the son of Asid, who, privately entering the city, began to form a party for him. Musab, having received intelligence of his proceedings, went to Bassorah in hopes of surprising him. But Kaled,

getting out of the way, he sent for the chief of the Bassorians, and upbraided them, reproaching one with the meanness of his family; another with some scandalous action, either of his own or some of his relations; in short, raking up something against all of them. But this way of proceeding only exasperated them, and made them more averse to his interest. In the meantime, Abdalmelik had sent letters, full of large promises, to each of the leading men. Amongst the rest, he sent one to the faithful Ibrahim the son of Alashtar, who delivered it to Musab sealed up as it came to him. The purport of it was to offer him the lieutenancy of Irak if Ibrahim would come over to his party. Ibrahim told Musab that he might depend upon it that Abdalmelik had written to the same purpose to all his friends, and advised him to behead them. Musab, however, not approving of that measure, because, he said, it would alienate all their tribes, Ibrahim advised him at least to imprison them or put them in chains, and set some one to watch them, who if he should be conquered should strike their heads off, but if he got the victory he might make a present of them to their tribes. Musab answered, “I have other business to mind; God bless Ahubehran, who gave me warning of the treachery of the Irakians, as if he had foreseen this very business wherein I am now engaged.”

The Syrian nobility did not approve of Abdalmelik’s engaging in this enterprise. They did not, indeed object to the expedition itself, but they wished rather that he should stay at home with them at Damascus, and reduce Irak by his generals, and not expose his person to the hazards of war; for they feared lest, if he were to miscarry, the caliphate might be unsettled, and their own affairs embroiled. To this he answered, that nobody was fit for that undertaking but a man of sense as well as of courage; and perhaps if he chose a man of courage he might nevertheless be wanting in prudence; but he considered himself qualified for it, both by his abilities in war and his personal courage. As for the danger, Musab, he remarked, was of a courageous family, and his father Zobeir had been one of the most valiant of the Koreish, and he was himself also brave enough, but he did not understand war, and loved an easy life. Moreover, Musab had some with him that would be against

him, whereas he could depend on the fidelity of his own men.

The battle was joined at a place called Masken. The Irakians, according to their custom, had made up their minds to betray Musab, for they did not intend to expose their country to be ravaged by a Syrian army for his sake. His faithful friend Ibrahim, the son of Alashtar, gave the first charge, and repulsed Mohammed, the son of Haroun, to whose support Abdalmelik advanced with a fresh company, when at the second charge Ibrahim was killed. Musab’s general of the horse ran away, and a great many of the rest stood by and would not obey his command. Then he called out, “O Ibrahim! but there is no Ibrahim for me to-day.” It is said, that when Musab was upon his march against Abdalmelik, Abdalmelik asked if Omar, the son of Abdallah, was with him; being answered, “No, he has made him lieutenant of Persia,” he next inquired if Almohalleb was there, and was told ”No, he is lieutenant over Mausal;” and when he had demanded the third time if Ibad, the son of Hossem was there, and was answered in the negative, for he had been left behind at Bassorah, he was exceeding glad, and presaged a certain victory; “for,” said he, “he will have nobody to help him.”

When Musab perceived his forlorn condition, he endeavoured to persuade his son Isa to ride with the men under him to Mecca, and acquaint his uncle with the treachery of the Irakians. But Isa (who must be very young, for his father was but six and thirty) would not leave him, but told him that his life† would be hateful to him if he survived his father, and advised him rather to retreat to Bassorah, where he would find his friends, .and from whence he might be able to join the governor of the faithful, meaning his uncle Abdallah, the son of Zobeir. But Musab said, “It shall never be said among the Koreish that I ran away, nor that I came defeated into the sacred temple of Mecca.” He therefore bade his son, if he chose, to come back and fight; which order he joyfully obeyed, and died in battle, his father Musab being killed shortly after him. It is said, that during the engagement Abdalmelik sent to Musab, tendering him quarter;

but he answered, that men like himself did not use to go from such a place as that (meaning the field of battle) without either conquering or being conquered. After being grievously wounded with several arrows, he was stabbed, and his head being cut off, was carried to Abdalmelik, who proffered the bearer a thousand ducats; but he refused to accept them, saying, that he had not slain Musab from any wish to do him service, but to avenge a quarrel of his own, and for that reason he would take no money for bringing the head.* Musab† had been Abdalmelik’s intimate friend before he was caliph, but marrying afterwards Sekinah, Hosein’s daughter,

and Ayesha, the daughter of Telha, by those marriages he was engaged in the interest of two families who were at mortal enmity with the house of Ommiyah.

As soon as this battle was over, Abdalmelik* entered into Cufah, and with it took possession of both the Babylonian and Persian Irak. As soon as he signified to the people his command that they should come in and take the oaths to him, they obeyed unanimously. Soon after he came into the castle he inquired for John, the brother of Amrou, whom he had put to death. Being informed that he was not far off, he commanded him to be produced; but this the Cufians refusing, unless he would promise to do him no harm, Abdalmelik seemed at first to take it ill that they should presume to stipulate with him, but at last he condescended to make the required promise, and John made his appearance. When he came into his presence, Abdalmelik thus greeted him, “Thou vile wretch! with what face wilt thou appear before thy Lord, after having deposed me?”† “With that face,” answered John, “that he himself hath created.” As John took the oath of allegiance to him, there was an end of that business. Abdalmelik ordered vast sums of money to be distributed among the people, and made a splendid entertainment, to which everybody that would come was welcome. When they were sat down to supper, Amrou, the son of Hareth, an ancient Mechzumian came in, Abdalmelik called to him, and placing him by his side upon the sofa, asked him what meat he liked best of all that ever he had eaten; the old Mechzumian answered, “An ass’s neck well seasoned and roasted.”‡ “You don’ t know what’s good,” says Abdalmelik; “what say you to a leg or a shoulder of sucking lamb, well roasted, and with a sauce of butter and milk?”§ Whilst he was at supper he said,

” How sweetly we live, if a shadow would last!

After supper was over he took the old Mechzumian along with him to satisfy him concerning the antiquities of the castle; and when the answers to all his questions began, of course, with “this was,” and “that was,” and “he was,” and the like, it raised a melancholy reflection in the caliph, and he repeated the verse out of an ancient Arabic poet:—

“And everything that is new (O Omaim!) goes to decay, and he that is today is hastening to he was yesterday.”

Then, returning to his sofa, he threw himself upon it, and repeated these verses:—

When Musab’s head was brought to him in the castle, one that stood by said, “I will tell you something particular that has passed within my own observation. In this same castle I saw Hosein’s head presented to Obeidollah, Obeidollah’s to Al Moktar, Al Moktar’s to Musab, and now at last Musab’s to yourself.”* The caliph, surprised and alarmed at this coincidence, commanded the castle to be forthwith demolished, to avert the ill omen.

When the news of Musab’s death was brought to his brother Abdallah, the son of Zobeir, he immediately made a speech to the people.† “Praise be to God,” he said, “to whom belongs the creation and the command of all things; who bestows and withdraws dominion to and from whom he pleases; who strengthens and weakens whom he pleases; only God never weakens him that hath truth on his side, though he stands alone, nor cloth he strengthen him whose friend is the devil, though all the world should join in his assistance. There is news come from Irak which is matter both of sorrow and joy to us-it is the death of Musab, to whom God be merciful. Now what rejoiceth us is, that his death is martyrdom to him, and what is matter of grief to us is the sorrow wherewith his friends will be afflicted at his departure; but men of understanding will have recourse to patience, which is of all the most noble consolation. As for my own part, if I be a sufferer in Musab, I was so before in

(my father) Azzobier. Nor was Musab aught else but one of the servants of God, and an assistant of mine.* But the Irakians are treacherous and perfidious; they betrayed him and sold him for a vile price. And if we be killed, by Allah, we do not die upon beds, as the sons of Abilasi die. By Allah, there was never a man of them killed in fight, either in the days of ignorance or Islam. But we do not die but pushing with lances and striking under the shadow of swords. As for this present world, it diverts from the most high King, whose dominion shall not pass away, and whose kingdom shall not perish; and if it (the present world) turns its face I shall not receive it with immoderate joy, and if it turns its back I shall not bewail it with indecent sorrow. I have said what I had to say, and I beg pardon of God both for myself and you.”

Whilst Mohalleb was engaged against the Separatists, they received intelligence of Musab’s death before he and his men knew anything at all of it.† Whereupon they called out to his men, “What! will you not tell us what you think of Musab?” They said, “He is the Imam of the right way.” “And he is,” replied the Separatists, “your friend both in this world and that to come?” They answered, “Yes.” “And you are his friends, both alive and dead?” “Yes.” “And what do you think of Abdalmelik, the son of Merwan?” They said, “He is the son of the accursed; we are clear of him before God, and we feel ourselves more free to shed his blood than yours.” “And you are,” continued the Separatists, “his enemies both alive and dead?” Yes; we are his enemies both alive and dead.” “Well,” said the Separatists, “Abdalmelik hath killed your Imam Musab, and you will make Abdalmelik your Imam to-morrow, though you wash your hands of him to-day and curse his father.” To which the other answered, “You lie, ye enemies of God.” But the next day, when they were informed of the truth of the matter, they changed their note, and Mohalleb and all his men took the oath to Abdalmelik. Upon this account they were bitterly reproached by the Separatists, who said to them, “Now, you enemies of God! yesterday you were clear of him both in this world and the world to come; and affirmed that you were his

enemies both alive and dead; and now to-day he is your Imam and your caliph, who killed your Imam whom you had chosen for your patron. Which of these two is the right?” They could not deny what they had said the day before, and were loath to give themselves the lie, so they answered, “You enemies of God! we were pleased with the other so long as he presided over us; and now we approve of this as we did before of the other.” To which the Separatists answered, “No, by Allah! but you are brethren of the devils, companions of the wicked, and slaves of the present world.” This is the account of that conference.

Abdalmelik, upon his return into Syria, made Bashur his brother governor of Cufah, and Kaled, the son of Abdallah, governor of Bassorah. When Kaled came to the latter city, he made Mohalleb supervisor of the tribute, indiscreetly enough, for Mohalleb was the best general of the age, and in all probability the victory of the Azarakites now was owing to his absence; for Abdolaziz being sent against them, they defeated him and took his wife prisoner. While they were disputing about her worth, some valuing her at about a hundred thousand pieces, one of their chief men said, “This heathen doth nothing but cause disturbance amongst you, and shall she escape?” at which words he cut her head off.* Some of the bystanders telling him upon this that they did not know whether to praise him or blame him for what he had done, he answered, he at least had done it out of zeal. When Kaled wrote to Abdalmelik, acquainting him with the loss of the array, and desiring to know his pleasure, he received the following answer:— “I understand by your letter that you sent your brother to fight against the Separatists, and have received the account of the slaughter and flight. When I inquired of your messenger where Mohalleb was, he informed me that he was your supervisor of the tribute. God rejected thy counsel when thou sentest thy brother, an Arabian of Mecca, to battle, and kept Mohalleb by thy side to gather taxes, who is a man of a most penetrating judgment and good government, hardened in war, and is the son of the grandson of it; see, therefore, and send Mohalleb to meet them in Ehwaz, or beyond Ehwaz. I have sent to Bashur, ordering

him to assist thee with an army of Cufians; and if thou goest and meetest thy enemy, do not undertake any enterprize against him until thou hast shown it to Mohalleb, and asked his advice about it, if please God. Peace be unto thee, and the mercy of God.” Kaled was not well pleased with the contents of the letter, both because Abdalmelik had blamed him for sending his brother to manage the war, and because he had laid him under an injunction to do nothing without the advice of Mohalleb. Abdalmelik kept his word, and ordered Bashur to assist them with five thousand Cufians; but first he was to send a messenger to consult with Mohalleb, who was a person of too great consideration not to be treated with the utmost respect.

Their combined forces being now ready, Kaled and Bashur marched, and met the enemy near the city Ehwaz, for the Azarakites were advanced so far. There were in the river certain ships which Mohalleb advised Kaled to seize; but before that design could be put in execution, a party of the enemies’ horse set them on fire. As Mohalleb passed by one of his generals, and perceived he had not intrenched himself, he asked him the reason of it. The other swore, he was no more afraid of them than of a fly. Mohalleb bade him not despise them, for they were the lions of the Arabians. The Azarakites remained in their entrenchments about twenty days; when at last Kaled and Mohalleb fell upon them, and, after as bloody a battle as was ever fought in the memory of man, entirely routed them and took possession of their camp. Kaled sent David to pursue them, and despatched an express to Abdalmelik, acquainting him with the success; who immediately commanded his brother Bashur to send four thousand horse more to join David and pursue them into Persia: these orders were obeyed till they had lost almost all their horses, and were themselves quite worn out, and almost starved to death, so that the greatest part of the two armies returned on foot to Ehwaz.

Thus Abdalmelik, in the seventy-second year, having brought all the eastern part of the Mussulman empire entirely under his subjection, had no opposition to encounter, but that of old Abdallah the son of Zobeir at Mecca. Against him Abdalmelik sent Hejaj the son of Joseph, one of the most eloquent as well as warlike captains that flourished

amongst them, during the reigns of the caliphs. One reason among others that led to his employment in that service was the following. When Abdalmelik was upon his return into Syria, Hejaj said to him, “I have had a dream that I had taken the son of Zobeir and slayed him; wherefore send me against him, and commit the management of that war to my charge.” The caliph was pleased with the dream, and sent him with a strong body of Syrians to Mecca, whither he had written before, promising pardon and security, upon condition of their submitting immediately to his authority. Abdallah sent out parties of horse against him, but in all the skirmishes they came by the worst. Hereupon Hejaj wrote to Abdalmelik to send him sufficient force to besiege Abdallah, assuring him that his fierceness was very much abated, and that his men deserted daily. Abdalmelik ordered Tharik the son of Amer to assist him, who joined him with five thousand men. Hejaj came to Taïf (a town lying sixty miles eastward of Mecca) in the month Shaaban in the seventy-second year, and Tharik came to him in the new moon of Dulhagiah, but he did not go round the temple, nor come near it, because he was under a vow; but kept himself in arms, neither sleeping with his wives, nor anointing himself till after the death of the son of Zobeir. Abdallah killed the sacrifice (either camels or oxen) on the killing day,* that is the tenth of Moharram;‡ but neither he nor his friends performed the rites of pilgrimage, because they had not been at Mount Arafat, which however is necessary to make a true pilgrimage. As they were under siege it was impossible for them to do so. This same year Abdalmelik wrote to Abdallah the son of Hazim to persuade him to come in, promising him if he did to give him the revenues of Khorassan for seven years. But he received the offer with so much disdain, that he made the messenger eat the letter he had brought, telling him at the same time that if it were not for making a disturbance between the two tribes, he would have killed him. Afterwards Abdalmelik sent against him a general with sufficient force, who defeated and slew him. Others say, that he was not killed till after the death of Abdallah the son of Zobeir, and that Abdalmelik sent the head of the son of Zobeir to the son of Hazim, imagining that he would not after that

sight stand out any longer. But it had the quite contrary effect, for as soon as he saw it, he swore he would never acknowledge his authority as long as he lived. Then calling for a bason he washed the head and embalmed it, and wrapped it up in linen, prayed over it, and sent it to Abdallah’s relations at Medina. He then cut off the messenger’s hands and feet, and afterwards beheaded him.*

The siege of Mecca lasted eight months and seventeen nights. The Syrians battered the temple with their engines, and it thundered and lightened so dreadfully, as put them into a terrible consternation, and made them give over.‡ At this Hejaj, sticking the corner of his vest into his girdle, and putting into it one of the stones they used to propel with the engines, slang it towards the city; his example encouraged his mere to resume their work afresh. The next morning there came upon them storm after storm, and killed twelve of his men, which quite dispirited the Syrians. Hejaj, however, said to them, “O Syrians, do not dislike this, I am a son of Tehamah. This is the storm of Tehamah. Victory is just at hand: rejoice at the news of it. The enemy’s men suffer as much by it as you do.” The next day there was

another storm, and some of Abdallah’s men were killed, which gave room to Hejaj to encourage his men and say, “Do not you see that they are hurt, and you are in a state of obedience, and they of disobedience?” Thus they continued fighting till a little before Abdallah was killed. His followers in the meanwhile deserted from him every day, and went over to Hejaj. The inhabitants of Mecca having done so, to the number of ten thousand: even his two sons Hamm and Chobeib left him, and went and made conditions for themselves. When he perceived himself forsaken on all sides, he went to his mother (who was grand-daughter to Abubeker the first caliph, and was then ninety years of age, a woman of a most undaunted spirit) and said to her, “O mother! The people, and even my own children and family, have deserted me, and I have but a few left who will hardly be able to stand it out one hour. These people are ready to give me, if I will submit, whatsoever I can desire in this world; what do you advise me to do?” “Son,” said she, “judge for yourself; if, as you pretend to be, you know that you are in the right, persevere in it, for your friends have died for the sake of it. Be not so obstinately resolved to save your neck as to become the scorn of the boys of the Ommiyan family! But if thou choosest the present world, alas! bad servant! thou hast destroyed thyself, and those that were killed with thee. And if thou sayest I stood to the truth, and when my friends declined I was weakened! this is neither the part of an ingenuous nor a religious man. And how long can you continue in this world? Death is more eligible.” Then Abdallah drew near, and kissed her head, and said, “By Allah, this is the very thought which I have ever persisted in to this day; neither did I incline to-wards this world, nor desire to live in it, nor did any other motive but zeal for God, persuade me to dissent. However, I had a mind to know your opinion, and you have confirmed my, own: wherefore, mother, look upon me as a dead man from this day; nor let your grief be immoderate, but resign yourself to God’s command: for your son hath not stood in the footsteps of the scandalous, nor done anything worthy of reproach. He has not prevaricated in the judgment of God, nor dealt treacherously in giving his faith: nor supported himself by doing injury to any person that delivered

up himself or entered into covenant; nor did any injustice done by any of my officers ever reach me that I approved of, and did not discourage; nor was there any thing that I preferred before the doing the will of my Lord. O God! thou knowest that I do not say this for the justification of myself, but to comfort my mother, that she may receive consolation after my decease.” She answered, “I hope in God, I shall have good comfort in thee, whether thou goest before me, or I before thee. Now go out and see what will be the issue.” To which he answered, “God give thee a good reward, O mother! You will not cease praying for me, both before and after.” She answered, “That I never shall; others are killed in vain, but thou for the truth. O God! be merciful to him for his watchfulness in the long nights and his diligence,* and his piety towards his father and me; O God, I resign myself to what thou shalt command concerning him I am pleased with what thou dost decree; give me in Abdallah the reward of those that are grateful and persevering.” This was about ten, or according to some only five, days before he was slain. The day whereon he was killed he went into the house of his mother, with his coat of mail on and his helmet, and took hold on her hand and kissed it. She said, “This farewell is not for a long time.” He told her he was come to take his leave of her, for this was his last day in this life. As he embraced her, she felt the coat of mail, and told him that the putting that on did not look like a man that was resolved to die, and when he said that he had only put it on, in order to be the better able to defend her; she said she would not be so defended, and bade him put of. Then she bade him go out, assuring him that if he was killed he died a martyr; he said he did not so much fear death as the being exposed after it; to which she courageously answered, “That a sheep when it was once killed never felt the flaying.”† Before he went out she gave him, to increase his courage, a draught with a pound of musk in it. At last he went to the field and defended himself to the terror and astonishment of his enemies, killing a great many with his own hands, so that they kept at a distance, and threw bricks at him; which

made him stagger; and when he felt the blood run down his face and beard, he repeated this verse:—

” The blood of our wounds doth not fall down upon our heels, but upon our feet,”

meaning, that he did not turn his back upon his enemies. Then they killed him, and as soon as Hejaj heard the news he fell down and worshipped. His head was cut off, and his body hung up; and for several days after, they smelled the perfume of the musk he had drunk.

Tharik said to Hejaj that never woman bore a braver man. “How,” said Hejaj, “do you commend a man that was in rebellion against the emperor of the faithful?” Yes, answered Tharik, and he himself will agree with us; for only consider we have been besieging him these seven months, and he had neither army nor strong place of defence, nevertheless he was always a match for us, nay superior to us, This discourse of theirs reached Abdalmelik’s ears, who said that Tharik was in the right.

Abdallah was caliph nine years, being inaugurated in the sixty-fourth year of the Hejirah, immediately after the death of Yezid the son of Moawiyah. He was a man of extraordinary courage, but covetous to the last degree. So that this sentence passed among the Arabians for a sort of a proverb, “That there was never a valiant man, but was also liberal, till Abdallah the son of Zobeir.” He was in a great repute for his piety. He is said to have been so fixed and unmoved when he was at prayer, that a pigeon once lighted upon his head, and sat there a considerable time, without his knowing anything in the matter. Abulfeda says he wore a suit of clothes forty years† without putting them off his back, but doth not inform us of what they were made. This family of the Zobeirs passed amongst the Arabians for a half-witted sort of people.

After he was dead, all Arabia acknowledged Abdalmelik for their caliph, and Hejaj took the oaths of allegiance for

him. This year Mohammed the son of Merwan took Assaphiyah, and beat the Greeks; and in this same year it was that Othman the son of Walid fought the Greeks on the side of Armenia with four thousand men, and beat their army consisting of sixty thousand.

Hejaj* being now, in the seventy-fourth year, master of all Arabia, pulled down the temple of Mecca, which Abdollah had repaired, placing the stone on the outside of it again, and restoring it to the very form it had before Mohammed’s time. He exercised the most pitiless cruelties on the poor Medinians, branding them in their necks and hands. He used frequently to pick quarrels with them without provocation, and punish them without any crime. Meeting once with one of them, he asked what was the reason he did not assist Othman the son of Affan? He answered, he did. Hejaj told him he lied, and immediately commanded a stamp of lead to be put upon his neck. Thus he continued plaguing and tormenting them, till the Azarakites rising new commotions in the east, Abdalmelik thought his service necessary in those parts, and made him governor of Irak, Khorassan, and Sigistan; upon which he removed from Medina to Cufah, Abdalmelik’s brother Bashar being then dead. As he entered into Cufah, muffled up in his turban, curiosity drew the people round him; whereupon he assured them that they should soon know who he was. Going directly to the mosque, he mounted the membar or pulpit, where he assailed them with very rough words, swearing that he would make the wicked bear his own burden, and fit him with his own shoe. And a great deal more said he to the same purpose, both then and on other occasions, which increased their terror and aversion. Thus, one day,‡ he went into the pulpit, and after a short pause, he rose up and said:—

“O Irakians! methinks I seethe heads [of men] ripe and ready to be gathered; and turbans and beards sprinkled with blood.”

The day after he came to Cufah, hearing a noise in the street, he went directly to the pulpit, and made a most reproachful speech, protesting that he would make such an

example of them by the severity of his punishments, as should exceed all that went before, and be a pattern for all that should come after. He then began to give daily instances of his cruelty, and his rage vented itself particularly upon those that had any hand in the murder of the caliph Othman. Not long after this he went to Bassorah, where he made them a speech much to the same purpose as those he had delivered at Cufah; and to give them a taste of his discipline, caused one of them, who had been informed against as a rebel, to be beheaded upon the spot. This provoked the Irakians to such a degree, that they made an insurrection against him; but having beaten them in a drawn battle, he quickly put it down, and then sending eighteen of their heads to Mohalleb, returned to Bassorah.

The Azarakites now appearing in considerable force, Hejaj sent Mohalleb and Abdarrhaman the son of Mehnef against them. These generals had good success at the beginning; but Abdarrhaman, thinking it a disparagement to his own dignity to be commanded by Mohalleb, neglected his advice and would not entrench, which gave the enemy an opportunity of cutting him off. But whatever encouragements the insurrection of the Bassorians against Hejaj gave, the Azarakites at first, who hoped to make the best use of the dissensions of their adversaries, that tumult was soon quelled, and they found themselves disappointed.

But the greatest opposition that Hejaj ever met with in the whole course of his life, was begun by Shebib a Karegite, and Salehh another sectary, who having been both on pilgrimage at Mecca, in the seventy-fifth year, when Abdalmelik was there, formed a conspiracy against him. The caliph being informed of it, sent orders to Hejaj to seize them. But notwithstanding Hejaj’s vigilance, Salehh remained safe for a month, at least, in Cufah, where he concerted measures with his friends, and provided all things necessary for his undertaking. His sect were called the Safrians, and he was the first of them that ever appeared openly in arms; he was a man much given to devotion, and had a great many followers both in Mausal and Mesopotamia, to whom he used to read and expound the Koran. Some of his hearers desired him to send them a copy of what they once heard

him deliver; he condescended to their request, and wrote as follows:—

“Praise be to God,* who hath created the heavens and the earth, and appointed the darkness and the light. They that deny the faith make an equal to the Lord. ‘O God! as for us, we will not make any equal to thee,’ nor will we hasten but to thee; nor will we serve any besides thee. To thee belong the creation and the government, and from thee come good and evil, and to thee we must go.† And we testify that Mohammed is thy servant, and thy apostle whom thou hast singled out, and thy prophet whom thou hast chosen, and in whom thou hast delighted, that he should convey thy message, and thy warning to thy servants: and we bear witness that he conveyed the message, and admonished the people, and invited to the truth, and stood in righteousness, and helped religion, and made war upon the associators,‡ till God took him, on whom be peace. I exhort you to trust in God, and to abstain from the present world, and to desire the other, and frequently to remember death, and to love the believers, and to separate yourselves from the conversation of evil doers. For abstinence from the present world increaseth the desire of the servant towards that which is with God, and causeth his body to be at leisure to obey God; and the frequent remembrance of death maketh the servant stand in the fear of his Lord, so as to be moved with love towards him, and to humble himself before him. The separating from evil doers is a law to the Mussulmans. God Most High saith in his book:—‘Never pray for any of them that are dead, nor stand at their grave, for they denied God and his apostle, and died doing evil.’§ And the love of the faithful is a means whereby the favour of God is attained, and his mercy, and his paradise (God make us and you of the number of those that bear witness to the truth, and persevere). Now it is of the gracious doing of God towards the believers, that he sent them an apostle of their own, who taught them the book and wisdom, and cleansed them, and purified them, and kept

them in their religion, and was gentle and merciful to the faithful, till God took him, the blessing of God be upon him. And then the verifier* succeeded him, with the good liking of the Mussulmans; and governed according to his direction and tradition, till he went to God, God be merciful to him. He left Omar his successor, and God made him the governor of his flock, and he managed by the book of God, and revived the tradition of the apostle of God; neither did he cease to do justice to the people committed to his charge; nor feared any accusation in the cause of God till he went to, him. God have mercy upon him. After him Othman governed the Mussulmans, and he pursued a shadow, and broke down the bounds, and perverted judgment, and weakened the faithful, and strengthened the wicked, and the Mussulmans went to him and killed him, and God and his apostle are clear of him. And after him the people agreed to give the government to Ali the son of Abu Taleb, who did not make it his business to judge according to the command of God to men; but joined himself to erroneous people, and was mixed among them, and played the hypocrite; and we are clear of Ali and his sectaries. Wherefore prepare yourselves (God have mercy upon you; with alacrity for the holy war against these jarring people, and these erroneous and unjust Imams; and for the going out of this transitory mansion to the mansion that shall remain, and for the being joined to your brethren the faithful, who have certain assurance, who sold the present world for the other, and laid out their substance in quest of the favour of God in the latter end. Neither be afraid of being killed for the sake of God; for the being killed is easier than death; and death cometh upon you quicker than thought, and makes a separation between you, and your children, and your families, and your present world, notwithstanding your exceeding aversion to it, and your fear of it. Wherefore sell yourselves and your substance in obedience to God, that you may securely enter into paradise, and embrace the black-eyed girls. God make us and you thankful, and full of remembrance, and keep us among such as are directed in the truth, and do according to that which is right.”

Arabic, Assidik. It is the surname of Abubeker, which Mohammed gave him because he verified or asserted the truth of Mohammed’s journey to heaven in the night.

Once, when he was amongst his friends, he broke out into these expressions, “What do you stay for? How long will you stand still? For iniquity hath spread itself, and this injustice is grown to an exceeding height and vast distance from the truth, in defiance of the Lord. Wherefore let us see what is to be done, and come to some resolution.” In the midst of these speeches there came a letter from Shebib to Salehh, desiring him, since he had complied with his request, to make an attempt upon the present powers, to inform him in what condition his al airs were; for there was no time to be lost; since he could not be sure that he would not be overtaken by death before he had an opportunity of engaging in a holy war, against these wicked ones. Salehh returned answer, “that he only waited for him; that his delay had already raised some suspicion in the rest, who were making all necessary preparations, and stayed for nothing but his coming.” Shebib gathered together his small company and joined Salehh in Dara’leizirah, over which Mohammed Ben Merwan was governor. They seized some of his horses in a neighbouring village, upon which they mounted their foot. Mohammed soon received intelligence of their movements; but despising the smallness of their number (which did not exceed one hundred and twenty), commanded Adi to go against them with five hundred men, who however begged to be excused, affirming that he knew that one of their men was as good as a hundred of their own, and that it was unreasonable to send him with such an unequal force. Mohammed thereupon ordered him five hundred more: but with this thousand he marched from Harrad as unwillingly as if he had been going to the place of execution. When he drew near to Salehh, he sent a messenger to let him know that he had no wish to attack him; but if he would depart out of that territory, he might invade some other, and he would not oppose him. Salehh replied to the messenger, “Go and tell him, that if he is of our opinion, it shall be so; but if he be in the measures of the tyrants, and the Imams of enmity, we know what to do.” To which Adi answered, “that he was not of his opinion, but that he did not come to fight either against him or any one else.” Salehh had no sooner received this answer, than he ordered his men to ride full speed, and by this means surprised Adi saying the noon prayers, who suspected nothing

of the kind, till he saw the horsemen close upon his camp; Adi’s men were all out of order, and put to the rout before they could offer any resistance. Salehh trampled down Adi and his standard as he was at prayers, and moving directly to his camp, took possession of all that was in it. They that escaped carried the sad news to Mohammed, who was very angry, and ordered Baled the son of Jora to march against them with one thousand five hundred men, and Hareth with one thousand five hundred more. Calling them both together, he bade them go out against these wicked Separatists; and, to add to their speed, told them that he that first came up with the enemy should have the supreme command.* Being informed that the enemy had marched towards Amed, they kept together in pursuit, and towards the evening came up with Salehh, who sent Shebib against Hareth, whilst he charged the other general himself. Notwithstanding the disproportion of numbers, the victory was a long time doubtful; for one of the Separatists could beat ten or twenty of the others. At last Baled and Hareth, perceiving that their horse were repulsed, alighted and fought on foot. This movement quite altered the condition of the combatants, for by this means, they supported themselves with their lances against the enemies’ horse, while at the same time their archers galled them, and the remainder of their horse trampled them down. Thus they continued fighting till night parted them, by which time Salehh had lost thirty men, and Kaled and Hareth more than threescore and ten. Both parties were sufficiently weary of one another, for the battle was very sharp as long as it lasted, and a great many were wounded on both sides. After they had said prayers, and refreshed themselves with such fragments as they had, Salehh asked Shebib his advice, who told him that they were over-matched, and that the enemy would by entrenching themselves render hopeless any attempt against them. Upon this they decamped under the protection of the night, and marched across Mesopotamia till they came to Mausil, and from thence to a place called Dascarah, where Hejaj having received intelligence of their approach, sent against them a body of five thousand men, under the command of Hareth Alhamdani. Three thousand of them were Cufians, and tried veterans, and the other two thousand were chosen men. On

the march to Dascarah, Salehh, having gone with a small party to Jalouta and Catikin, Hareth pursued him to a place called Modbage, on the borders of Mausil, between Mausil and Juchi. There they came to an engagement. Salehh had then with him no more than ninety men, and these he divided into three companies, thirty in each. In a short time Salehh was killed. Shebib, having had his horse killed under him, fought on foot till he came to the place where Salehh lay dead; whereupon he called out to the Mussulmans to come to him, for they had no commander left, and bade them turn back to back, and so make good their retreat to a deserted castle in the neighbourhood. This they performed in good order, seventy of them getting there in safety. Hareth surrounded them in the evening, and bade his men set fire to the castle-gates, and then leave them till the morning, when they would be sure to find them. Shebib, having called his people together, told them that, whatever they proposed to do must be done by the favour of the night, because it would be absurd to expect that they should be able to defend themselves against such a force in the morning; upon this his men having first given him their hands in token of their submission, he ordered them to sally out and attack the enemy in their camp; the gates of the castle being burnt to coals, they wetted their saddle cloths, and, spreading them over the coals, stepped over. Hareth and his men were sleeping in their tents without any apprehension of danger, when about midnight they found Shebib and his men in the midst of the camp, slaying all before them. Hareth himself was struck down to the ground, but his men succeeded in carrying him off, and ran away in the greatest confusion and consternation. This victory, which is the first that Shebib got, added such courage to his party that his numbers daily increased, and became terrible to Hejaj himself, who made every exertion to extirpate them. After a great many battles, in all which Shebib , came off superior, he seized the city of Cufah, in the absence of Hejaj, who was gone to Bassorah.

This year Mohalleb died, whom Hejaj had made governor of Khorassan. He was a person of extraordinary character, both for his abilities and his generosity of temper. When he Belt the approach of death, he called his sons about him, and gave them a bundle of arrows to break, which they told him

they could not. Upon this he asked them, if they could break them one by one, and when they answered in the affirmative, he bade them imagine themselves to be like that bundle of arrows.

This year Abdalmelik caused money to be coined;* this was the first coinage of their own that ever was in use among the Arabians; for before they used to trade with Greek or Persian money. The following was the occasion of his so doing. Abdalmelik used to commence the letters that he sent to the Greek emperor, with these words, “Say, God is one;” or, “Say, there is one God,” and then mention the prophet with the date of the Hejirah. Whereupon the Grecian emperor sent him word, that he had made certain innovations in his style of writing, and therefore requested him to alter it, or else he would send him some coins with such a mention of their prophet upon them as he would not very well like. Abdalmelik was angry at this, and said, “A curse upon their coins;” and from that time began to make money of his own. Hejaj stamped some with this inscription, “Say, there is one God,” which gave great offence to the Mussulmans, because, they said, the sacred name of God would be exposed to the touch of unclean persons of both sexes. Somyor a Jew regulated their coinage, which was but rude at first, but, in the succeeding reigns, it received several improvements.

Shebib had beaten the army which Hejaj had sent against him, and made such a vigorous opposition, that the Cufians were not able to keep the field.‡ Hejaj, however, resolved not to bear his insults any longer, represented the state of that part of the country to the caliph Abdalmelik, who reinforced him with a strong number of Syrians; whereupon Hejaj gave Shebib battle near Cufah. Shebib, who had in all but six hundred men, made a noble defence, but was forced at last to give way to the Syrians, when Hejaj was scarce able to hold up against him. At last Shebib’s brother was killed, and his wife Gazalah, who had attended him when he went first to Cufah, having made a vow to say her prayers in the great temple, and read the “Cow” and the “Family of

Amram” there, (i. e. the second and third chapters of the Koran), all which she had duly performed. A body of Syrians pursued Shebib, who killed a hundred of them with the loss of only thirty of his own men. Some of them were so tired with their march and the fight, that when they struck with their swords the blows fell powerless; and some of them struck as they sat, being unable to rise. In this condition Shebib left them, and, despairing of doing anything, passed over the Tigris and went towards Juchi. Afterwards repassing the Tigris at Waset,* he bent his course towards Ehwaz; going from thence into Persia, and so on to Kerman, where he rested and refreshed himself and his men. In the meantime Hejaj ordered his wife Gazalah’s head to be washed and buried. Soon after Shebib began to advance again, when Hejaj sent against him Sofian the son of Alabrad, whom Abdalmelik had sent to his assistance out of Syria. They met at a bridge called Dojail el Ehwaz. Shebib was the first to pass the bridge, but after a sharp encounter was repulsed. Returning once more, he renewed the battle with fresh vigour, but was again beaten back; and when he came to the bridge, he made a stand with about a hundred men, who fought so bravely till the evening, that the Syrians declared they had never been so roughly handled before. Sofian, perceiving that at close quarters he could prevail nothing against them, commanded the archers to shoot at them, which they did for a while, till Shebib and his men rushed in upon them, and, having killed above thirty of them, wheeled about, and fell upon the main body, where they continued fighting desperately till night, when, they retreating, Sofian commanded his men not to pursue them. When Shebib, who had resolved to renew the fight in the morning, came to the bridge, he ordered his men to go over before him, and he brought up the rear himself. He was the last upon the bridge, and, his horse suddenly rearing, Shebib’s foot struck against a boat which was moored alongside the bridge, by which he was suddenly dismounted, and fell into the water. When he came up to the surface, he said, “When God decrees a thing it is done.” Then coming up a second time, he cried, “This is the decree of the

Almighty, the all-wise [God]!” and sank to rise no more. These were the last words of that great captain, concerning whose mother they relate the following remarkable story.

Yezid the son of Naim was sent by Othman to assist the Syrian Mohammedans against the Greeks in the twenty-fifth year of the Hejirah. The Mussulmans, obtaining the victory, the Christians were exposed for sale. Among the captives, Yezid espied a tall, beautiful, black-eyed maid, whom he bought, and, carrying her to Cufah, commanded her to turn Mohammedan. Upon her refusal he caused her to be beaten, which only increased her aversion towards him to such a degree that, to bring her to a good humour, he was glad to let her alone. Afterwards she proved with child of Shebib, and her fondness to her master increasing daily, she turned Mohammedan of her own accord, in order to please him, so that she changed her religion before Shebib was born, which was on the tenth of the month Dulhagiah, being the day on which the pilgrims kill the sacrifices at Mecca. Awaking out of a slumber; she said, “I saw, as one that sleeps sees, that there went out from before me a flame which diffused itself round about the heavens, and spread itself to every quarter; after which, I saw that a coal dropped into a great water, and was quenched. Now, as I brought him forth upon the day wherein you shed blood, I thus interpret my dream. This son of mine will be a man of blood, and his condition, in a short time, will be exalted to a very high degree.” Hearing once a false rumour of his being killed, she gave no credit to it, but as soon as she heard he was drowned she believed it, saying that she knew from the time of his birth that he would come to no other end.†

His body being drawn up with a net, his head was cut off, and sent to Hejaj; when he was opened, his heart was found prodigiously firm and hard like a stone.‡

In the eighty-first year* died Mohammed Ebn Hanifiyah, the third son of Ali, who, because he was not descended from Mohammed as Hasan and Hosein were, is not reckoned amongst the Imams, notwithstanding there were many who, after Hosein’s death, secretly acknowledged him to be lawful caliph. Some of the sectaries look upon him as a great prophet, and believe that God hath taken him away, preserving him alive in a certain mountain† where he is to appear again, and fill the earth as full of justice and piety as it is at present of impiety and wickedness.

The Saracenic empire was free from all internal dissension from the time of Shebib’s death till the eighty-second year,‡ when Abdarrhaman, the son of Mohammed, raised a dangerous commotion in the east, upon the following occasion. Hejaj, who hated him, sent him against Zentil, king of the Turks, with orders to carry the war into the midst of his country. Having a malicious design to destroy him, he gave him a very inconsiderable force. Abdarrhaman received secret intelligence of his barbarous intentions towards him, and soon acquainted his men with the object of the expedition they were engaged in. The soldiers were all in a rage at being so basely betrayed, and under a pretence of war sent to be murdered as a sacrifice to Hejaj’s malice against their general. Vowing revenge, they unanimously swore to be true and faithful to Abdarrhaman, and, renouncing the service of Hejaj, prepared themselves to revenge his perfidiousness. Abdarrhaman, having first concluded a peace with the Turk, returned into Irak and marched directly against Hejaj, who, having been informed of his hostile intentions, had petitioned Abdalmelik for succour from Syria, who sent him a considerable army. With these supplies Hejaj marches against him, but being beaten in the first battle, Abdarrhaman moved with his victorious army to Bassorah, where a great many of the citizens, throwing off their allegiance to Abdalmelik, took the oath to him. Entrenching himself on one side of the city, he soon obtained a second victory over his enemies. From thence he proceeded to Cufah, where he was so far from meeting with any opposition, that the citizens came out of their own accord to meet him, and took the oath of allegiance

to him. In the meantime, Hejaj gathered together all the forces he could; while, on the other hand, Abdarrhaman’s army increased to the number of a hundred thousand men, among whom were several of prime note among the Bassorians, by whom Hejaj was hated for his cruelty. The two armies encamped near one another;* and in the space of a ‘hundred days fought fourscore and one battles. At last, Hejaj put Abdarrhaman to flight, and slew four thousand of his men. Abdarrhaman retreated to Sahan, where he was seized by Hejaj’s lieutenant. But Zentil the Turk, Abdarrhaman’s friend and ally, having received notice of it, rescued him as he was being carried captive to Hejaj. Zentil, however, being threatened with a war by Hejaj† in case he refused to deliver him up, was preparing to surrender him; but Abdarrhaman, abhorring the thought of falling into the hands of his most implacable enemy, took an opportunity of killing himself by falling from the top of a high house.‡

In the eighty-third year,* Hejaj built a city upon the river Tigris, which he called Waset, from its lying in the middle between Bassorah and Cufah, that being the signification of the Arabic word. The Persian geographer† says, that it is situate at an equal distance from Bagdad, Cufah, Ehwaz, and Bassorah, that is, about fifty leagues from each of them.

Hejaj survived Abdalmelik, and managed all the chief affairs for some time under his son Walid. We, however, must terminate this part of our history (which we intended to carry down to the line of the Abbassides) with the reign of the former caliph; and it is uncertain whether we shall ever have either opportunity or inclination to continue it; therefore, before we take our leave of this great man, by whose vigilance, courage, and conduct, the empire of the Saracens was restored to perfect quiet, and firmly established under the government of the house of Ommiyah, it will not be amiss to relate here a few instances of the greatness and singularity of his genius.

One day, as he was taking a walk in the field, he met with a wild Arab, who knew nothing at all of him, and asked him what sort of a man this Hejaj was, whom every one talked so much of.‡ The Arab answered that he was a very wicked man. “Then,” said Hejaj, “do you not know me?” The Arab answering “No,” “I would have you to know, then,” said Hejaj, “that it is Hejaj you are talking to now.” The Arab, having heard this, said, without expressing the least concern, “And do you know who I am?” “No,” answered Hejaj. “I am,” said the Arab, “of the family of Zobeir, whose posterity all become fools three days in the year, and this I suppose is one of them.” Hejaj could not forbear laughing, and admiring the ingenuity of the Arab. Although, therefore, he was extremely severe, and reckoned cruel, for he had, they say, in his lifetime, put to death a hundred and twenty thousand persons, and when he died had fifty thousand in his prisons, yet he pardoned this Arab out of esteem for his wit and courage.

The following anecdote, while it shows plainly enough what Hejaj’s general character was, gives a remarkable trait

of his occasional generosity. Having taken a great many officers prisoners in the battle where he defeated Abdarrhaman, he resolved to put them all to the sword. One of the captives cried out, just as he was going to be executed, that he had a piece of justice to demand of Hejaj. Greatly surprised, Hejaj asked what he had to demand of him. The prisoner answered, “When our general, Abdarrhaman, railed against you most violently, I told him he was in the wrong.” Upon this Hejaj asked the prisoner if he had any witness to produce. “Yes,” answered the prisoner; and pointed out one of his comrades condemned to death as well as himself, who was present when he said it. Hejaj, being satisfied of the truth of the fact, said to the witness, “And why did not you do so as well as your comrade?” This undaunted man answered him fiercely, “I did not do it because you are my enemy.” Hejaj gave them both their lives; the one in acknowledgment of his obligation, the other for having confessed the truth with so much frankness and courage.

Some people having complained of the cruelty of his behaviour towards his subjects, and set the fear of God before his eyes; he instantly mounted the pulpit; to harangue the people, and without any preparation, with his usual eloquence, addressed them in these words:— “God hath at present given me the power over you, and if I exercise it with some severity, do not think that you will be better off after my decease! In the way you live you will always be treated with severity. God hath a great many servants, and when I shall be dead he will send you another, who may possibly execute his commands against you with greater rigour. Would you have a prince sweet and moderate? Then exercise justice among yourselves and obey his orders. Depend upon it, that the behaviour of yourselves is the origin and the cause of the good or ill treatment which you receive. The prince may justly be compared to a looking-glass; all that you see in that glass is nothing but the reflection of the objects you present to it.”

Once, when he was hunting, he lost his company, and found himself in a lonesome place, where an Arab was feeding his camels. His sudden appearance scared away the camels, which made the Arab, who at the time was minding

something else, lift up his head in a great passion and say, “Who is this with his fine clothes that comes here in the desert to scare my camels? the curse of God light upon him.” Hejaj, without taking notice of what he said, came up to him, and saluted him very civilly, wishing him peace; but he, instead of returning his salutation, answered him roughly, that he neither wished him peace, nor any blessing of God. Hejaj pretended not to understand him, and being parched with thirst, begged of him some water to drink. The Arab told him, that if he had a mind to drink, he might alight and help himself, for he was neither his fellow nor his man. Hejaj did as he bade him, and having drunk, asked him, “Whom do you believe to be the greatest and most excellent of all men?” “Why, the prophet sent by God, to be sure,” said the Arab. “And what do you think of Ali,” added Hejaj? The Arab answered, “His excellency cannot be expressed in words.” Hejaj, continuing his discourse, inquired what he thought of Abdalmelik! The Arab was silent at first, but being pressed, gave him to understand that he took him to be a bad prince. “Why so?” answered Hejaj. “Because he has sent us for a governor the most wicked man under the heavens.” Hejaj, knowing that the Arab meant him, said no more; but just at that moment, it happened that a bird flying over their heads made a sort of noise, which the Arab had no sooner heard, but he looked stedfastly upon Hejaj, and asked him who he was. Hejaj, having asked the, reason of his question, the Arab replied that the bird which flew by a moment ago, told me that there was a company of people not far off; and I think very likely you are the chief of them. The Arab had no sooner made an end of this discourse, when Hejaj’s people came up, and received orders to carry the Arab along with them.

The day after, Hejaj called for him, and made him sit down at his table, and commanded him to eat; the Arab, before he began to eat, said his usual grace, “God grant that the end of this meal may be as fortunate as the beginning.” Whilst they were eating, Hejaj asked him if he remembered the discourse that had passed between them the day before. The Arab answered him immediately; “God prosper you in everything; but as for yesterday’s secret, take care you do not divulge it to day.” “That I will,” said

Hejaj; “but you must choose one of these two things, either to acknowledge me for your master, and then I will retain you in my service; or else to be sent to Abdalmelik, to whom I will give an account of all that you have said of him.” The Arab, having heard Hejaj’s proposal, answered him instantly: “There is a third way you may take, which seems to me to be much better.” “What is that?” said Hejaj. “It is,” said the Arab, “to send me home, and never to let me see your face any more.” Hejaj, as fierce as he was, being pleased to hear the man talk with so much spirit, sent him home according to his desire, and gave him ten thousand drachms of silver.

It is proper to observe here, with regard to this bird that made itself understood by the Arab, that there are people in Arabia who pretend to know the language of birds. They say that this science has existed among them ever since the time of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, who had a bird called Hudhud, that is “the houp,” who was the messenger of their amours.

There lived in the time of Hejaj, one Kumeil, the son of Ziyad, a man of fine wit, who by no means approved of his conduct in the government. One day Hejaj summoned him before him, and reproached him with having in a certain garden, and before such and such persons, whom he named, uttered many imprecations against him, such as, “The Lord blacken his face,” that is, “Fill him with shame and confusion,” and “May his neck be cut off, and his blood shed.”

Kumeil, who had a very ready wit, answered him instantly: “It is true that I did say these words in that garden, but then I was under a vine-arbour, and was looking upon a bunch of grapes that was not yet ripe, and I wished that they might soon turn black, that they might be cut off and made wine of.” This ingenious explication pleased Hejaj so well, that he sent Kumeil home, and restored him to his favour.

Hejaj also admitted to his familiar intercourse Elm Corrah,* a person celebrated for his piety and his learning, and whose father had been one of the companions of the apostle.

One day when he was with him, the porter came to say that there was a Kateb or secretary at the gate; on which Ebn Corrah said:— “These secretaries are the worst of all sorts of people.” The secretary, however, was well received by Hejaj, who, after he had dismissed him, said to Ebn Corrah, “Were it not for the title of companion of Mohammed that is in your family, I would slit your neck, for the Koran says, “Honour the writers.” Ebn Corrah immediately answered, “I spoke of the secretaries of the Divan, and not of the angels who are called writers in the Koran, because they write the actions of men to produce them at the last judgment.”

It is reported that Hejaj,* to excuse the severity which he exercised over those that were under him, used frequently to say, “That a severe, or even violent government, is better than a weak and indulgent one. Because the former doth wrong only to some particular persons, whereas the latter hurts and injures the whole people.”

He also used to say, that the obedience due to princes is more absolute and necessary than that which men owe to God. For the Koran, speaking of the latter, says, “Obey God as far as you are able.” In which words there is a condition or exception. But of that which concerns princes, it is said, “Hear and obey,” without any exception. “Therefore,”, said he, “if I command any one to submit to such or such a thing, and he refuses it, he is guilty of disobedience, and is consequently worthy of death.”

Some one having heard him talk after this manner, said to him:— “You are an envious and an ambitious man, because you desire to have greater authority than others.” To which he answered:— “He is still more envious and ambitious, who says to God, ‘Give me, O Lord, a condition of life which nobody can enjoy after me.’”

Hejaj having once commended himself to the prayers of a religious Mussulman, he instantly prayed that it would please God to kill him quickly, for, said he, nothing better can happen either for him or for the people.

Mircond writes, that when he was seized with his last sickness, he consulted his astrologer, whether he did not find

from his ephemerides that some great captain was near the end of his days. The astrologer answered, that according to his observations, a great lord, called Kolaib, was threatened with speedy death. Hejaj replied, “That is the very name which my mother gave me when I was a child.” This word signifies in Arabic, “a little dog.”

The astrologer, no less imprudent in his discourse, than skilful in his art, went on very bluntly to say:— “Then it is you that must die; there is no room to doubt it.” Hejaj, offended at this discourse, said instantly to the astrologer, “Since I must die, and you are so dexterous in your predictions, I will send you before me into the other world, that I may make use of you there;” and at the same time, gave orders for his being despatched.

The death of Hejaj is placed in the ninety-fifth year of the Hejirah, and the fifty-fourth of his age. They say he was so magnificent in his entertainments, that he had sometimes a thousand tables furnished, and that he was so liberal in his presents to his friends, as to give away a million of pieces of silver at one time.

Abulfaragius observes, that he fell sick with eating dirt. This dirt was a sort of medicinal clay, called by the Latins “Terra Lemnia,” and by the Arabians, Thin, and Thin Mechtoum, Lutum, et Lutum sigillattum; this threw him into a consumption of which he died. Thus much concerning Hejaj out of Monsieur D’Herbelot.

In the 86th year of the Hejirah,* Abdalmelik died. When he was sick the physicians had told him, that if he drank he would die; but his thirst increased so violently, that he was not able to forbear any longer, but commanded his son Walid to give him some water, which the son refusing he called to his daughter Fatima to do so; but Walid, willing to keep him alive as long as he could, held her, and would not suffer it. Whereupon Abdalmelik told him in a passion, that if he did not let her go, he would disinherit him. So she gave him water, and he quickly expired. He died in the middle of the month Shewal: but he was always afraid of the month Ramadan, and used to say he should die in it; because in it he was born and weaned, had learned the Koran by heart, and also was saluted emperor.

He had two nicknames given him, the one was “the sweat of a stone,”* because of his extreme covetousness; the other was “father of flies,” upon the account of his stinking breath, which was so nauseous that it killed all the flies that lighted upon his lips.

The inscription of his seal was, “I believe in God our Saviour.”

Abulfeda says, “that he was a man of foresight, and of very good capacity and understanding; he was courageous, learned, and wise;† but his being made caliph quite turned him, and spoiled all his good qualities.”

He died in the sixtieth year of his age. He was much more powerful than any of his predecessors. He subdued Abdallah the son of Zobeir, and added Arabia to his dominions: quelled all the revolts of the Sectaries. In his reign India was conquered in the east, while in the west his victorious arms penetrated as far as Spain.