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PART FIRST

THE PROPRIETARY PROVINCE IN ITS EARLIEST FORM

 

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CHAPTER I

CHARTERS OF DISCOVERY. EXPERIMENTS OF GILBERT AND RALEIGH

Colonization, like many other social activities, has owed its origin and development to the cooperation of private enterprise with governmental patronage and control. The forms which colonial systems assume depend largely on the way in which these two elements are combined. Among all nations private initiative has been especially prominent in the early stages of colonization. As a rule discoverers have been self-developed, and have turned to government to secure recognition and support for the adventures which they have undertaken or were ready to undertake. The discoverer is always potentially the colonizer, and the relations of the two toward the civil power are likely to be much the same. The impulse toward migration has usually originated with individuals, groups, or classes that for some reason or other have sought a change of environment, going in many cases even so far as to choose removal into distant and almost unknown climes. Especially is this true of such movements in their earliest stages, and particularly as they appear among the English. Monarchs and finance ministers have, as a rule been slow to commit the government to the active support of enterprises so uncertain as the founding of colonies in distant and newly discovered continents. They have been ready to legalize such schemes, to grant charters and incorporate, to convey large tracts of land, rights of trade and powers of government, also to appoint officials and issue instructions; but from directly undertaking the work of planting colonies, with the financial risks it involved, they have usually held aloof. This they have preferred to see individuals and corporations undertake.

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To these causes the system of corporate and proprietary colonies in British North America owes its origin. The individuals and corporations that actually founded these colonies and bore the risks and losses involved therein were the proprietors and planters. Without their initiative the colonies never could have been settled; and conversely, the first form of colony which necessarily came into existence was the proprietorship. Viewing the subject technically and from the standpoint of the colonizing power, the proprietors and planters were its agents, acting under authority derived from it, for the purpose of establishing a colonial system.

In applying to the government, as they did, for legal authority and recognition, the early discoverers and colonizers committed themselves to the adoption for their dependencies of such forms of local organization as were characteristic of the parent state, or such as the crown lawyers and officers might accept or choose. Upon these forms the relation of both colonies and their founders with the parent state came largely, to depend. When under the Tudors the earliest charters of discovery were granted, the fief was chosen as the model of the grants. For a time after the accession of the Stuarts the trading corporation was selected for the same purpose. The fief, however, was by no means abandoned, but was utilized under the form of the county palatine in the grants to Lord Baltimore, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and other proprietors who received their patents subsequent to the Restoration. Thus the fief suggested the form under which most of the proprietary grants were made, though trading corporations which continued resident in England also founded a type of proprietary colony which is of great interest and importance.

The charter which was issued in 1497 to John Cabot and his three sons provided that they should subdue and possess the territories they discovered as the “vassals and lieutenants” of the king.¹ The “rule, title, and jurisdiction” over these lands were to remain in the king, while the grantees should enjoy the monopoly of trade with their provinces, subject to the payment of one-fifth of their total gains to the

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crown. When it is also noted that Cabot, his heirs, and assigns, were required to make Bristol the terminus of their voyages, it will be seen that this charter contained in germ several of the most important features of the later colonial system. The second patent, granted to Cabot the following year,¹ simply gave him the right to visit the lands which in the name of the king he had recently discovered, taking with him as many as six English ships.

By the charter² of 1501, issued to Richard Warde, Thomas Ashehurst, and others, the grantees were empowered to occupy the territories they should discover as vassals of the crown, holding their lands by fealty without payment, and enjoying rights of government and exclusive rights of trade. In this document, as well as in that issued the next year³ to several of the same patentees, the main features of the original grant to Cabot reappear, elaborated and stated in greater detail.

After an interval of eighty years, and with the impulse toward maritime development which accompanied the struggle with the Catholic powers of the Continent, the work of discovery was resumed, and it now led, after a short delay, to experiments in colonization. The movement at this time centred among the Elizabethan soldiers and seamen, leaders who were founding plantations in Ireland and who were invading Spanish and Portuguese dominions in every quarter of the globe. Walsingham and Leicester were the official leaders of the war party, and Drake proved himself to be the genius of the movement as it was when viewed in its purely maritime aspects. Humphrey Gilbert and Walter Raleigh were interested in many Irish enterprises, and when they came to undertake discovery and settlement across the sea, may very well have followed precedents which they had learned in Ireland. In the eyes of these men the Spanish power was not only the arch enemy of Protestantism, and so of the queen, but it was the sentinel which, under authority derived partly from occupation but more from the papal bull, stood guard over the vast stretches of the newly discovered

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continents and sought to monopolize their united wealth and trade. It was the dream of power and wealth for England and for themselves which nerved those men to seize the treasure fleets, to invade the Spanish Main, and to attempt the occupation of the hundreds of miles of coast which Spain was unable to colonize. In conception the plan was military and commercial,—military in order that it might become commercial,—and colonization was its final and more permanent phase.

Humphrey and Adrian Gilbert—and to an extent their half-brother Raleigh was associated with them—were specially interested in the discovery of a northwest passage to Cathay and the East Indies. They held that America was the fabled island of Atlantis, and that around its northern end was the most convenient route to the east. Humphrey Gilbert wrote a “discourse” in support of this theory and defended it before the queen and council against the arguments urged by Anthony Jenkinson on behalf of the Merchant Adventurers and in favor of the northeast passage.¹ The voyages of Frobisher and Davis were the outcome of Gilbert’s idea, and when, in 1578, having been knighted, he procured a patent from the queen, it was with a view to further exploration and possible colonization within unoccupied regions in comparatively northern latitudes.

In the patent² to Sir Humphrey Gilbert the concessions made through earlier grants reappear, but in greater detail and in forms and phraseology which were to characterize the charters of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The lands which it was expected that the patentee would discover were to be held by homage as a royal fief, but all services should be discharged by the payment of one-fifth of the gold and silver ore to be found in the soil. This commutation transformed the tenure practically into one of

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socage,¹ even though the oath of homage continued to be taken. Permission was given to Gilbert, during a period of six years and under license from the lord high treasurer and the privy council, to transport subjects from England and establish one or more colonies within the regions which he should discover. The colonists should remain under allegiance to the crown, but be subject to subordinate rights of government administered by the patentee, these to be in general agreement with the laws and polity of England and not inconsistent with the form of religion professed by the English Church. When a place of settlement should be determined upon, the authority of the proprietor, his right to grant land and his exclusive rights of trade, should extend over a territory encompassing the settlement on all sides to a distance of two hundred leagues. No limit was set to the number of such provinces which Sir Humphrey Gilbert might establish.

Gilbert from the first turned his eyes toward Newfoundland and the coasts which for more than a century had been visited by fishermen from the leading states of western Europe. He proposed to take the northern route across the Atlantic, the course over which Cabot had sailed and the one which would bring him most directly to the American coast. Large preparations were at once made for a voyage. In these preparations Gilbert had the support not only of Sir George Peckham, Sir Richard Grenville, and many other knights and inhabitants,² chiefly of the south and west of England, but of Walsingham himself, “the pillar unto whom I leant.” By September, 1578, eleven vessels, with five hundred men, all provisioned for a year, were gathered at Dartmouth. Among them were George and William Carew, Henry and Francis Knollys, and, greatest of all, Gilbert’s half-brother, Walter Raleigh.

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Like all bodies of men who at that time went on expeditions to the west, they were piratically inclined. Many wild spirits among them sought only plunder, and they apparently insisted that Gilbert should choose the southern route, because it offered the best chance of seizing Spanish territory or Spanish treasure ships. The government, however, was unwilling that Spain should be openly attacked, and somewhat later brought pressure directly to bear to prevent this. Dissensions broke out among Gilbert’s force, and Henry Knollys, with four vessels and 160 men, withdrew. Gilbert soon after set sail with seven vessels and 889 men, and chose the route to the southwest. This brought him into Spanish waters, where he met with some disaster. Of this the only positive knowledge that we have is, that one of the ships, of which Miles Morgan¹ was captain, was lost. Gilbert wrote later that he returned with great loss from his first expedition, because he would not himself do, or suffer any one of his company to do, anything contrary to the pledges which he had given to the queen and Walsingham;² if he had not preferred credit to gain, he need not have returned so poor as he did.

The voyage was now abandoned, and Gilbert, with a part of his vessels, was for a time occupied again with Irish affairs. The losses consequent on the failure of his expedition seriously embarrassed him, so that in 1581 he complained to Walsingham of “daily arrests, executions and outlawries,” and declared that he was forced to pledge his wife’s clothing in order to secure his creditors. He petitioned for the recovery of £2000 due him from the government in Ireland.

But by the summer of 1582 the courage of Gilbert had so far revived that he was actively preparing for another voyage, which it was his intention to conduct in person. Four out of the six years within which according to his patent he must found a colony or forfeit his grant had already passed, and it was necessary to act with promptness. Fortunately his old friend had not lost confidence in him, and many

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others came to his assistance, though the queen expressed the wish that he might stay at home, and reminded him of his reputation for ill luck at sea. Fortunately an important series of documents has been preserved¹ which reveal in outline the nature and extent of the support which Gilbert secured for this the last enterprise of his life, and the form of the provinces which, as a result, he intended to establish across sea. Because of the light which they throw upon this and later schemes of colonization, it is necessary to refer to their contents.

Like all other recipients of proprietary grants, Gilbert sought contributions toward the expense of his enterprise by offering in return trade privileges and grants of land along the coasts and within the vast unoccupied territories which he had obtained the exclusive privilege of visiting. We infer that a number of small contributions had been secured in this way for the first voyage. Now the same was attempted on a larger scale. To this end an association of merchants and their apprentices living in and about Southampton was formed, to be known, until incorporated under some other name, as the Merchant Adventurers with Sir Humphrey Gilbert.² Southampton was to be the staple for all their trade with the prospective provinces in America, the merchants themselves paying half customs, and their apprentices the full rates. Every adventurer who contributed £5 should be entitled, in addition to the return thereupon, to one thousand acres of land. Those who went in person, and without goods, should enjoy freedom of trade and the benefit of a single or double share of land according to their rank. Those who on the first voyage should both contribute and go in person should receive a double share of

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land. Land was to be subject to a perpetual quitrent of ten shillings per thousand acres. Sir Humphrey, his wife, and all his blood relatives were to be forever free of the said territories and to enjoy all privileges without fines, while other adventurers, presumably when in the colonies, were to be free both in persons and goods from torture, martial law, arbitrary arrests, and attachments in all forms. A possible suggestion of Sir Humphrey’s opposition to the theory of the northeast passage may be seen in his requirement that none of the merchants of the Muscovy company or their issue should be admitted to the new society. The same prohibition was to apply to residents of Southampton who had not contributed toward Gilbert’s previous voyage, or who should not aid him in the present one. On the other hand, those who had been adventurers with him in 1578 and who had continued with him until the expedition had returned to Kinsale in Ireland, were thereby to be entitled to full shares in the present enterprise. All who became colonists must give bond to obey the articles of agreement and the queen’s commission, and to conform as near as possible to the rules and policy of the society and of the proprietor. The officials of the society were to be a governor, eight assistants, a treasurer, agent, and secretary. General courts of the company were to meet twice every year. These bodies were given power to elect the assistants. The other officers were in the first instance to be appointed by the proprietor, but in his absence Secretary Walsingham was to appoint in each case from a list of three nominated by the society. New adventurers might be admitted to the society on the payment of certain dues, with the reservation of a part of these to the proprietor, his heirs, and assigns. Thus as a means of securing funds the preliminary steps for the organization of a trading company were taken which might traffic and colonize within the vast domain that Sir Humphrey had received, but no rights of government appear to have been expressly conferred on the company.

Four other agreements were also drawn and enrolled by which Sir Humphrey sought to reward his most valued friends by empowering them to discover, settle, and establish

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subordinate proprietorships within his domain. The first of these empowered Sir Thomas Gerrard and Sir George Peckham to occupy 1,500,000 acres, together with two adjoining islands, at some point between the Cape of Florida and Cape Breton; by the second Sir George Peckham was granted 500,000 acres, near the former tract; while by a third he and his son were authorized to take possession of the region supposed to comprise all of Narragansett bay and the islands within it, together with 1,500,000 acres adjoining thereto. The fourth enrolment provided for a grant of 3,000,000 acres to Sir Philip Sidney, which he immediately transferred to Peckham. All these were to be held by socage, subject to the payment of a quitrent to the chief proprietor, and with the enjoyment of rights of trade and the usual nominal jurisdictions.

Finally, before he sailed, Sir Humphrey made an assignment—to take effect in case of his death or other serious mishap—of all his estate, right, and authority under the patent of 1578 to Sir John Gilbert, Sir George Peckham, and William Archer. This document reveals the fact that he had planned for the reservation of certain seigniories or lordships, fifty English miles square, for his widow and sons; also for a grant of twenty miles square in fee simple for each of his daughters; these all to be subject to rent and the obligation of military service, and to carry with them rights of jurisdiction. The assigns were also empowered to grant the land not otherwise provided for in small lots in fee farm or leasehold, reserving the best places for towns, commons, forts, the support of the poor, and the support of captains and governors. Provision was made for the transportation and settlement of tenants and servants, as well as small freeholders, and for the reproduction in the province of the ordinary features of tenant right. Servants and tenants might be sent over by the state or by adventurers. The province was to be divided into parishes, with a system of tithes and glebes. The existence of a bishop, or even of an archbishop, within the province was also suggested. The obligations of the assize of arms were to be enforced, while general assessments should be levied for purposes of defence.

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This money should be used with the consent of the chief governor and of the majority of a body of thirteen councillors chosen by the people. The produce of the customs, chief rents, royalties, and jurisdictions were reserved to the heirs male and the widow of the chief proprietor. The assignees should jointly exercise the appointing and other administrative powers.

The writings of Sir Humphrey Gilbert concerning the northwest passage, his persistent urging of his views, the great sacrifices which he repeatedly and willingly bore in order to realize them, had already proved him to be an idealist in the sphere of discovery. A powerful imagination and strong will, together with the lofty ambition born of these, must indeed characterize all leaders in such hazardous enterprises. From the plans which have just been outlined it appears that before his mind floated also the vision of a great proprietary dominion in America which, with its landed gentry, freeholders, tenants, counties, boroughs, should reproduce the chief features of English political and industrial society. He had thought this scheme out even to its details a generation before an English colonist was to be permanently settled on the American coasts, and while as yet they had scarcely been visited by an English vessel. Sir Humphrey Gilbert appears then as the precursor of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir William Alexander, the Calverts, the Earl of Shaftesbury, and John Locke, as the first in the series of colonizers from among the British nobility and gentry who desired to see the aristocratic system in state and church; with which they were familiar in England, reproduced in the new world.

But how small in this case were the results actually reached, when compared with the plans that were formulated! After having sold much of his estate, with the aid of Raleigh five ships were fitted out, the largest of two hundred tons’ burden, and the smallest of ten tons’ burden.¹ According to the custom of the time one was termed the admiral, another the vice-admiral, a third the rear-admiral. Two hundred and sixty men; many of whom were lawless adventurers, were

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enlisted for the voyage. Among the men were a variety of artisans, miners, and workers in metals. Small wares were taken for the Indian trade. In June, 1583, under the authority of a special commission from the crown, the fleet sailed, Gilbert leading it in person with the title of general. Raleigh’s ship, the largest of all and holding the place of vice-admiral, soon turned back; and only the four other vessels pursued the voyage to the end. About the close of July they entered the harbor of Saint John’s, Newfoundland, where the royal commission was shown to the fishermen of various nationalities who were in the port, and afterwards read and interpreted for the benefit of the foreigners who were present.¹ By virtue of this, and in accordance with ancient custom, possession of the soil within a radius of two hundred leagues was taken in the name of the queen and of her grantees by the transfer of the rod and turf. Proclamation was then made by Gilbert that the soil would henceforth be held of the queen and of himself, and that ordinances would be issued for the government of those who should inhabit the province or trade within it. Three such were at once proclaimed, to the effect that the religion of the Church of England would be maintained that any assault upon the sovereign rights of the crown over the territory would be adjudged high treason and punished as such; that, if any one should utter words to the dishonor of the queen, he should lose his ears, and his ship and goods should be confiscated. Obedience was promised by the general voice and consent of those who were present, both foreigners and Englishmen. After the assembly had dispersed, the arms of England were set up, and several parcels of land adjacent to the shore, both in the harbor of Saint John’s and elsewhere, were granted to the fishermen to be used in the prosecution of their business. These were held subject to rent and service.

With this Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s positive work in connection with the settlement of North America came to an end. Many of his colonists escaped from his control, and fled into the woods, or became freebooters. Others, on

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their own request, were taken back to England. With those who remained, after revictualling from the stock of provisions already available in Newfoundland, Gilbert pursued his voyage of discovery toward the southwest. Buffeted by storms of increasing violence and visited by a series of disasters, after little more than a month had passed he was forced to turn his course homeward. But on the way the tiny craft in which he insisted upon sailing was lost, and with it Gilbert himself perished. We are told that he had already formed a project for sending out two fleets the next year, and that he hoped for large assistance from the queen. But his assigns took no steps to execute this plan, though Peckham did publish one of the best pamphlets¹ of the time on the prospects and advantages of colonization in America. Captain J. Carlile,² a son-in-law of Walsingham, also urged the Muscovy company, because of obstacles which hindered the success of the Russian trade, to turn its efforts toward America, and a committee considered the proposal. In 1584 Adrian Gilbert, with certain associates, procured a patent incorporating them for five years under the name of the Colleagues of the Fellowship for the Discovery of the Northwest Passage. Their objects were similar to those set forth in the patent of 1578, though they sought to obtain them under the form of a corporation. But these projects came to naught, and it was reserved for Walter Raleigh to take up the work where his relative and associate had left it and carry it on a stage farther toward success.

The royal charter³ which Raleigh procured, March 25, 1584, was an almost exact reproduction of that issued to Gilbert six years before. The period prescribed as that within which a colony must be established was the same, and the territory over which rights of trade and government should extend was to have the same radius as that specified in Gilbert’s charter. Raleigh drew his support from much

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the same class as did Gilbert, Sir Richard Grenville, Ralph Lane, Thomas Cavendish representing well the spirit of Elizabethan seamen. Still, merchants appear to have borne a larger share in the later than in the earlier enterprise, and it was conducted in a more practical spirit, with less of dreamy idealism than had characterized Gilbert. Raleigh chose the southern route and sought warmer climes than did his predecessor. Two captains, Amidas and Barlow, were sent out in advance to select a site for the colony. Each of the expeditions which followed delayed for a longer or shorter time in the West Indies, thus coming directly and in a somewhat hostile manner into contact with the Spanish power. The place selected for the colony was adjacent to Florida as then understood in American geography. The province of Virginia, as it now comes dimly into view, had it approximated at all closely to the extent suggested in the charter, would have overlapped the Spanish possessions on the south and extended almost to the frozen regions of the north. The spot, however, which was actually settled and held at intervals for about three years, was Roanoke island, within the sounds of North Carolina, while the explorations of the colonists extended from somewhat beyond Cape Lookout on the south to the region of Norfolk, Virginia, on the north—more than 200 miles—and inland to a distance somewhat less than 150 miles. About eighteen of the modern counties within the coast district¹ of North Carolina are supposed to have been visited by them.

At Roanoke within this vast province of Virginia two colonies were established, one under Ralph Lane, and later a second under Captain John White. We desire in this connection to consider these only so far as they illustrate the history of the proprietary province in its rudimentary form. No commissions or instructions from Raleigh, the proprietor, have been preserved, but we know that such in some form must have been issued by him. Tudor officialism²

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with its pretentious titles was present even in this small settlement. We hear of a provost marshal or “high marshal,” of a treasurer and vice-treasurer, of a master of the victuals, and a keeper of the store. Philip Amidas, who had been one of the captains on the previous voyage, held under Lane the post of “admiral of the country,” and was a sort of deputy-governor. Ralph Lane himself was governor, and was specially intrusted with the duty of founding the colony and administering its affairs. John White bore a similar relation toward the second colony.

Sir Richard Grenville held the office of general in the first expedition and exercised its functions, whatever they were, at Roanoke for about two months. His departure for England at the end of that time brought to a close his connection with the first colony, though not with its patrons in England. Grenville’s title directs attention prominently to the military side of the enterprise. In a writing which probably emanated from him, Lane is referred to as his “deputy.” Lane himself states that he occupied the “second place” under Grenville.¹ The inference is that, when the two were serving together, Grenville was the chief and Lane the subordinate. Of course Lane would be unwilling to acknowledge that he was a subordinate, and we must doubt if Raleigh had clearly defined the relations between the two leaders in his commissions. We know, indeed, that Lane and Grenville quarrelled on the way over, and it is possible that it was concerning questions of jurisdiction, or of policy and jurisdiction combined. Lane wrote back to Walsingham charging Grenville with tyrannical conduct, continued through the entire outward voyage, and refers to a “book “dedicated to Raleigh in which this is set down in detail. He also cites the testimony of Thomas Cavendish, Edward Gorges, and John Clarke, captain of the flyboat, in support of the complaints. It is stated that Grenville even threatened to have Lane executed. On the general’s

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arrival in England it was supposed that he, in turn, would submit to Walsingham and Raleigh charges against several of the prominent men of the colony. “For mine own part,” writes Lane, “I have had so much experience of his government as I am humbly to desire your honor, and the rest of my honorablest friends, to give me their favors to be freed from that place where Sir R. Grenville is to carry any authority in chief.” Have we here an instance of such strife as was later caused and continued between the governors and intendants in the French province of Canada, as the result of locating the military and civil power in different hands? Lane, in his subsequent dealings with the Indians and his management of the affairs of the colony, proved that he had some of the spirit later shown by Captain John Smith. Grenville possessed the fierce, indomitable nature which later won for him imperishable renown as the commander of the Revenge, which indeed characterized all the Elizabethan seamen who distinguished themselves by assaults on Spain. It is not difficult, then, to imagine how, under the circumstances, two such natures, though ardent supporters of the same cause, might become involved in an almost deadly feud. But after Grenville’s return to England we hear no more of the strife. When he and Lane met again, it was as co-workers in the preparations for the defence of England against the Armada.¹

Some of the chief men of the first colony, we are told, acted as “assistants for counsel and good directions in the voyage,” but that they did so by appointment from the proprietor is not stated and is scarcely probable. Cavendish, Arundel, Stukeley, and others are mentioned in this connection. Prior to the time when the question, whether or not they should leave Roanoke and return home with Drake, was under discussion, the consultations to which reference is made are such as were always held by bodies of men who are exploring the wilderness, seeking mines or places for settlement, holding interviews with the Indians or preparing for defence against them, building a fort or procuring means of subsistence. After Grenville left, and indeed as soon

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as the voyage ended and the work of founding the colony began in earnest, Lane’s function as governor grew steadily in importance. So far as we know, perfect harmony existed between him and the body of the colonists.

One hundred and seven colonists, all men, came over on the first expedition. Their names have been preserved, and among them fourteen appear with the title of master. Of these, Thomas Hariot had received the degree of bachelor of arts from Oxford, and became the missionary and scientific chronicler of the colony. We hear of several other “gentlemen,” some of whose names have already been mentioned; but we do not know that they all remained in the colony throughout the year of its existence.

A small fort and probably some rude dwellings were built by the first settlers on Roanoke island. These formed the nucleus of the colony. From this as a centre, and partly under suggestions from the Indians, explorations were made by water and land, toward the south, west, and north. These revealed the fruitfulness of the country, and also, because of poor harbors and shifting sand bars, the unsuitableness of the location for a permanent colony. Through reports of the Indians, Lane soon heard of the region about Chesapeake bay, and that it would be more suitable for colonization. A trend in that direction was at once started which would probably have soon resulted in the transfer of the colony thither, or the founding of a new one, had Raleigh’s experiment proved permanently successful.

Lane, profiting by the relations which Amidas and Barlow had established with the natives, made skilful use of their help, not only to increase his knowledge of the country, but in supplying the colony with fish, maize, and fruits. Like all colonizers of his generation, who were imitating Spain while they were fighting her, Lane considered the two chief objects of his enterprise to be the discovery of a gold mine and of a route to the South Sea. Indian tales stimulated his search for these, especially up the course of the Moratoc or Roanoke river, and the journeyings in turn extended relations with the Indians. Suspicions concerning the purposes of the newcomers developed in the minds of

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the natives, which were increased by Lane’s activity and address. A combination was soon formed among them to cut off the colonists” supply of food. This had immediately a twofold result: it involved the English in their first conflict with the Indians, in which the superiority of European warfare was shown, and Pemisapan, the leader of the hostile natives, was slain; on the other hand, it necessitated a certain dispersion of the colonists to points within the circle of their explorations where they could more easily supply themselves with food. As the famine grew severe, Captain Stafford with twenty men was sent to the admiral’s station at Croatan, eleven men were sent to Hatteras to live there with the provost marshal, and every week from sixteen to twenty of the rest of the company were despatched to the mainland opposite Roanoke to live upon the oysters and other food procurable there. Hariot¹ stated that Raleigh had granted land in estates of five hundred acres or more to those who had come over in person. But we do not learn that these grants were laid out or improved. The soil, however, was jointly cultivated to an extent, and we are told that in the spring of 1586 “they sowed, planted, and set such things as were necessary for their relief in so plentiful a manner as might have sufficed them two years without any further labor,” and that by the close of June their corn would have been ready to harvest.² Hariot’s relation also shows that they had gained an unusually comprehensive view of the resources of the country, and knew that they were abundant.

But the colony was not yet self-supporting, the supply which they expected from England had not arrived, they were also exposed to the danger of Indian attacks and of destruction by the Spaniards. In the mind of Lane, we may surmise, lay also the conviction that colonization at Roanoke would always be carried on under great difficulties, and that the experiment had better be tried again on the Chesapeake. He may also well have dreaded further dealings with Grenville, should the general return. Therefore, when in June, 1586, about a year after the settlement of the colony, Drake

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appeared off the coast homeward bound from the West Indies, the temptation to accompany him was strong. This, however, does not seem at first to have been suggested. Drake offered to leave with the colonists provisions, arms, a bark of seventy tons, various smaller craft, all manned and furnished with two of his best captains. Lane at first simply requested that Drake would take home a number of the colonists who were weak and unfit for service. But in a great storm which followed, the bark intended for the colony was driven out to sea and did not return. Drake then offered a ship of 170 tons, but this was too large to pass the inlet, and therefore would be of little use to the settlement. Thereupon the captains and gentlemen among the colonists urged Lane to ask that they all might be taken back to England. The request was at once granted, and Roanoke was abandoned. In the hurry of embarkation the sailors, in disgust at being delayed so long on that stormy coast, threw overboard the books and records of the colonists, and thus perished writings which would probably have thrown light on the internal history of the experiment.

That the resolve of Governor Lane and his associates to abandon Roanoke was a hasty one is evidenced by the fact that within a month after the colonists had left, three vessels—two under the command of Grenville—arrived with supplies and additional settlers. Finding no one, Grenville left fifteen men, provisioned for two years, and returned to England. These, as later events showed, perished at the hands of the Indians.

Raleigh, profiting by experience, now addressed himself more systematically¹ than before to the founding of a colony. Imitating presumably the example of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and others, he associated with himself nineteen London merchants as adventurers, who were to contribute toward the expense of the enterprise and share its profits. Prominent among these was Thomas Smith, afterward treasurer of the London company.² The names of nine others appear both

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in this connection and among the adventurers of the Virginia colony which was later founded at Jamestown. With them were also joined thirteen gentlemen of London who proposed to settle in the colony, and who were made governor and assistants of the city of Raleigh, which it was hoped would be built and become the capital of the province. At their head was John White, who by the charter of incorporation was made governor. All who became members of the corporation should enjoy freedom of trade with any colony which Raleigh should thereafter found in America, and be exempt from all rents and subsidies, as well as from all duties and customs. Thus the office of general was dropped, the strength of the mercantile element in the undertaking was increased, and a borough government was expressly provided for the colony. Raleigh retained for himself the title of “chief governor of Virginia.”

A body of about one hundred and fifty colonists was brought together, among whom were several women—another indication of greater wisdom in the founding of the enterprise. Instructions were also issued by the proprietor that Roanoke should be definitely abandoned and a new settlement made in the Chesapeake region. But this part of Raleigh’s plan was thwarted by Simon Ferdinando, presumably a Spaniard, but who was one of the assistants and was master of the largest vessel on the outward voyage. When they had reached Roanoke, in July, 1587, and were searching for the men whom Grenville had left, Ferdinando and the sailors insisted that a landing should be made there at once, and White was overruled. They found the houses which the first colony had built on the island still standing, but the new colony succeeded to the feud with the Indians and reopened the struggle with the natural difficulties of the place.

Had Grenville or Lane been governor, with such powers as they enjoyed over the first colony, we may imagine that the proprietor’s instructions would have been obeyed. But White seems to have been a more pliable man, somewhat easily turned from his course by the assistants and other colonists. The real executive of the second colony seems to have been a council rather than the governor, and they

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shared quite fully the desires, and even whims, of the body of the colonists. Proof of this soon appeared. Controversies, we are told, arose between the governor and assistants over the question of choosing two of the latter to return to England as factors of the company; only one among the assistants wished to go. Thereupon both planters and assistants began with one voice to urge the governor to go. This, of course, was a step which was likely to prove the ruin of the colony, for it needed above all a strong executive head to carry it through the perils of the approaching winter. White urged many and strong reasons against the idea, among which occurs the interesting suggestion that his presence was especially necessary because they intended to remove the seat of the colony fifty miles inland. But to the unanimous and persistent entreaties White at last yielded and sailed for home. With this event, whether it was the cause of the catastrophe or a mere incident, the colony vanishes from sight. Of those who persuaded him to go not one survived to tell the story of their fate. A strong, even a despotic, leader might possibly have saved them; but, as it was, they all fell victims either to the ocean or to a savage foe.

When White reached England he found the nation exerting all its strength in the preparations for defence against the Armada. Not until 1590 could White procure three ships in which to return to America. Long delays occurred during the voyage, and when he arrived at Roanoke and searched the neighboring coast, no living trace of the colonists could be found. Twelve years passed, and in 1602 Raleigh sent out another vessel under Samuel Mace,¹ a captain of his own appointment, who made a last attempt to find the lost colonists. But it was in vain.

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